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Full text of "The Harleian miscellany : or, A collection of scarce, curious, and entertaining pamphlets and tracts, as well in manuscripts as in print, found in the late Earl of Oxford's library; interspersed with historical, political, and critical notes"

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OR, A 
















T. Plumnitr. Printer, Seething Lane. 




THE Life and Death of the illustrious Robert; Earl of Essex, &c. 
containing, at large, the Wars he managed, and the Commands 
fee had in Holland, the Palatinate, and in England. Together with 
some wonderful Observations of himself, and his predecessors, and 
many most remarkable passages from his Infancy unto the day of 
his Death, By Robert Godrington, Master of ArtSi London, 
printed by F. Leach, for L. Chapman, Anno Dom. 1646. Quarto, 
containing thirty-six pages .-..-..--.--_. j 

A most learned and eloquent Speech, spoken or delivered in the Ho- 
nourable House of Commons at Westminster, by the most learned 
Lawyer, Miles Corbet, Esquire, Recorder of Great Yarmouth, and 
Burgess of the same, on the 31st of July, 1647* Taken in Short- 
Hand by Nocky and Tom Dunn, his Clerks, and revised by John 
Taylor. Folio, containing four pages ------- !. - 3$ 

The Plague at Westminster : Or, an Order for the Visitation of a Sick 
Parliament, grievously troubled with a new Disease, called, the 
Consumption of their Members. The Persons visited are, the Earl 
of Suffolk, the Earl of Lincoln, the Earl of Middlesex, the Lord 
Hunsdon, the Lord Barkly, the Lord Willoughby of Parham, the 
Lord Maynard, Sir John Maynard, Master Glyn, Recorder of Lon- 
don. With a Form of Prayer, and other Rites and Ceremonies to 
be used for their Recovery ; strictly commanded to be used in all 
Cathedrals, Churches, Chapels, and Congregations, throughout 
his Majesty's three Kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland. 
Printed for V.V. in the Year 1647- Quarto, containing six pages 43 

The Arraignment and Acquittal of Sir Edward Mosely, Baronet, in- 
dited at the King's Bench Bar, for a Rape, upon the Body of Mrs. 
AnneSwinnerton. Taken by a Reporter there present) who heard 
all the Circumstances thereof, whereof this is a true copy. London, 
printed by E. G. for W. L. 1647. Quarto, containing twelve pages 40 

The Life of Sir Thomas Bodley, the honourable Founder of the Pub- 
lick Library in the University of Oxford* Written by himself. Ox- 
ford, printed by Henry Hall, Printer to the University, 1647. 
Quarto, containing sixteen pages - 61 


The Assembly-Man. Written in the Year 1647. EO<J>PA2T. xjxl ty. 


He seditiously stirs tip Men to figkt : He will teach others the way 
whereof Jimisdf is most ignorant ; and persuades Men to take an 
oath, because 'himself had suorn it before. 

London, printed for Richard Marriott, and are to be sold at his 
Shop under St. Dunsian's Church, in Fleet-street, 1662 3. 
Quarto, containing twenty-two pages ----------67 

A Word tor the Array, and Two Words to the Kingdom. To clear 
the One, and cure the Other. Forced in much Plainness and Bre- 
vity from their faithful Servant, Hugh Peters. 

Nunc KUXC properandus et acri 
Fingendus smejine rota. 

London, printed by M. Simmons, for Giles Calrert, at the Black 
Spread Eagle, at the West end of Paul's. 1647. Quarto, contain- 
ing fourteen pages ----------------65 

The Brewer's Plea : or, a Vindication of Strong Beer and Ale. 
Wherein is declared the Wonderful Bounty and Patience of God, 
the wicked and monstrous Untbankfulness of Man, the unregarded 
Injuries done to these Creatures, groaning, as it were, to be deli- 
vered from the Abuses proceeding from disdainful Aspersions of 
ignorant, and from the Intemperance of sinful Man. 

iCoR. xii. 19, 20, 21. 

- If they were all one Member, Where would the Body be ? 
J3nt now are they many Members, yet but one Body. 
The Eye cannot say unto the Hand, I have no need of thee, nor again, 
the head to the Feet, Ihtwe no need of thee. 
Dat veniam corvis, vexat censura columbas, Juven. Sat. 

London, printed for I. C. 1647. Quarto, containing eight pages - 73 
The Scottish Politick Presbyter, slain by an English Independent: or, 
the Independents' Victory over the Presbyterian Party. The Ri- 
gour of the Scotch Government, their Conniving and Bribing -. the 
Lewdness and Debauchery of Elders in secret. A Tragi-comedy.- 

Diruo et adifico, muto quadrata rotundis. 

Printed in the year 1647. Quarto, containing sixteen paes - - 80 
St. Edward's Ghost, or Anti-Normanism: Behig a Pathetical Com- 
plaint and Motion, in the Behalf of our English Nation, against her 
grand, yet neglected Grievance, Nonnanism. 

Qua -urn (malum) est ista voluntaria servitus ? 

Cicnno, in Orat. Philip. I. 

London, printed for Richard Wodenothe, 'at the Star, under Peter's 
Church, in Cornhill, 1647. Quarto, containing twenty-eight 
Pges ................. 1 - - 90 

Serjeant Thorpe, Judge of Assize for the Northern Circuit, his Charge, 
as it was delivered to the Grand Jury at York Assizes, the twen- 
tieth of March, 1648; clearly epitomising the Statutes belonging to 
tais Nation, which concern, (and, as a Golden Rule, ought to re- 
jate) the several Estates and Conditions of men; and, being 
duly observed, do really promote the Peace and Plenty of this Com- 
monwealth. From a Quarto, containing thirty pa^es, printed at 
London, by T. W. tor Matthew Walbancke and Richard Best, at 
Gray's Inn Gate, in 1649 - ----__.._._. iQG 

The Dissenting Ministers Vindication of themselves, from the horrid 
and detestable Murder of King Charles the First, of glorious Me- 
mory. With their Names subscribed, about the Twentieth of Ja- 
nuary, 1648. London, printed in the Year MDCXLVIL1. Quarto, 
cpntamiug six pages ----,._._...._ ^09 





News from Pembroke ami 'Montgomery, 'or Oxford Manchestered, by 
Michael Oldsworth and his Lord, who sivure he was Cliancellor of 
Oxford. And proved it in a Speech made to the New Visitors, in 
the'ir New Convocation, April 11, 1618: As here it follows Word 
ior 'Word, and Oath for Oath. Primed at Montgomery, 1648. 
Quarto, containing eight pa^cs ------------ 134. 

The Cuckow's Nest at Westminster; Or, the Parliament between the 
two Lady-Birds, Queen Fairfax and Lady Cromwell,' concerning 
Negociations of State, and their several Interests in the Kingdom; 
sully bemoaning the Fate of their Deer and Abhor n ed Husbands. 
By JSlerctirius Melancholicus. Printed in Cuckow-time, in a Hol- 
low-tree, 1648. Quarto, containing ten pages ------- 136 

The Advice of W. P. to Mr. Samuel llartlib, for the Advancement of 
some particular parts of Leurninsr. London, printed Anno Dom. 
1618. Quarto, containing thirty-four pages -- r ----- HI 

A further Discovery of the Oflice of Ptibiick Address for Accommoda- 
tions. London, printed in the year 1648. Quarto, containing 
thirty- 'bur pages ---------------- 133 

England's proper and only Way to an Establishment in Honour, Free- 
dom, Peace, and Happiness : Or, the Norman Yoke once more 
Uncased ; and the Necessity, Justice, and present Seasonablcness 
of breaking it in Pieces, demonstrated, in Eight most plain an. I 
true Propositions, with their Proofs. By the Author of Anti-Nor- 
juanism, and of the Plain English to the Neglecters ol it. 

]}fo, Patrice, Tibi. 

Imprimatur, Gilbert Mabbot. London, printed for R. L. Anno 
Dom. 1648. Quarto, containing sixteen pages ------- 175 

The British Bellman. 

Printed in the Year 
Of the Saints fear. 

Anno Domini, 1648. Q.iai to, containing twenty-four pages - - 181 
A Case of Conscience resolved : Concerning Ministers meddling with 
State Matters in their Sermons, and how tar they are obliged by the 
Covenant to interpose in the Affairs of Civil Government. By J. 
D. Minister of the Gospel, March 15, Imprimatur, Joseph Caryl. 
London, printed by R. L. for R. W. 1649. Quarto, containing 
thirty pages -.---------- -- ---- 195 

The Corruption and Deficiency of the Laws of England, soberly dis- 
covered: Or, Liberty working up to its just Height. Wherein is 
set down, I. The Standard, or Measure of all just Laws; which is 
threefold 1. Their Original and Rise, viz. The free Choice, or 
Election of the People. 2. Their Rule and Square, viz. Principal; 
of Justice, Righteousness, and Truth. 3. Thi-ir Use and Knd, viz. 
The Liberty and Safety of the People. II. Th*e Laws of England 
weighed in this three-fold Balance, and found too light. 1. In their 
Original, Force, Power, Conquest, or Constraint. 2. In their 
Rule, corrupt Will, or Principles of Unrighteousness and Wrong, 
3. In their End, the Grievance, Trouble, and Bondage of the Peo- 
ple. III. The Necessity of the Reformation of the Laws of Eng- 
land; together with the Excellency (and yet Difficulty) of this 
work. IV. The corrupt Interest of Lawyers in this Commonwealth. 
ByJohnWarr. London, printed for Giles Calverl, at the Black 
Spread Eagle, at the Wesi-end of St. Pauls, 1649. Quarto, con- 
taining eighteen pages --------------- 212 

A Narrative of the Proceedings of a Great Council of Jews., assem- 
bled in the Plain of Ageda, in Hungary, about thirty leagues dis- 
tant from Buda, to examine the Scriptures concerning Christ, on 

a 2 


the 12th of October, 1650. By Samusl Brett, there present Also, 
a Relation of some other Observations of his Travels beyond the 
Seas, and particularly in Egypt, Macedonia, Dalmatia, Calabria, 
Apuleia, Sicily, Assyria, Sclavonia, France, Spam, and Portugal; 
the Islands of Cyprus, Candia, Patmos, and Delphos ; the Cities 
of Carthage, Corinth, Troy, Constantinople, Venice, Naples, Leg- 
horn, Florence, Milan, Rome, Bottonia, Mantua, Genoa, Paris, 
&c. 1655. London, printed for Richard Moon, at the Seven Stars 
in St. Paul's Church-Yard, near the Great North Door. Quarto, 
containing twelve pages -------------- 225 

A Relation of the Execution of James Graham, late Marquis of Mon- 
tross, at Edinburgh, on Tuesday the Twenty-first of May instant. 
With his last Speech, Carriage, and most remarkable Passages 
upon the Scaffold. Also a Letter out of Ireland, more fully, con- 
cerning the taking of Clontnell. London, printed by E. Griffin, in 
the OKI Bailey, May twenty-eighth, 1650. Quarto, containing 
eight pages ----- -._----.---- -^ 254 

The Process and Pleadings in the Court of Spain, upon the Death of 
Anthony Ascham, Resident (for the Parliament of England, and of 
John Baptista Riva, his Interpreter, who were killed by John 
Guillim, William Spark, Valentine Progers, Jo. Hal sal, William 
Arnet, and Henry Progers. Who are all in close prison in Madrid 
ior the said fact, except Henry Progers, who fled to the Venetian 
Ambassador's House, and so escaped. Sent from Madrid from a 
Person of Quality, and made English. London, printed by Wil- 
liam Dngard, Printer to the Council of State, 1651. Quarto, con- 
taining twenty pages -..-,--.------- 23S 

A True Narrative and Relation of his most sacred Majesty's miracu- 
lous Escape from Worcester, on the Third of September, 1651, till 
liis arrival at Paris. Printed at London, for G. Colborn, 1666. 
Quarto, containing eight pages ,---.,------- 847 

An Answer to the Propositions made by the English Ambassadors, as 
they stile themselves, the nineteenth of March, in the Great Assem- 
bly of the High and Mighty Lords, the States General of the United 
Provinces. As also, to their Memorials of the sixteenth of April, 
and the ninth of May, 1651, respectively. And likewise, to th 
Thirty-six Articles of the desired Treaty. As it was delivered by 
the Honourable Sir William Macdowal, Knight, Resident for His 
Majesty of Great Britain, after his return to Holland, in the said 
Great Assembly, June the seventeenth, 1651. Printed at the 
Hague, by Samuel Brown, English Bookseller, 1651. Quarto, 
containing sixteen pages --------.-.--- 2j6 

News from France: Or, a Description of the Library of Cardinal Maza- 
rin, before it was utterly ruined. Sent in a Letter from Monsieur G. 
Naudaus, Deeper of the Publick Library. London, printed for Ti- 
mothy Garthwait, ar the little North Door of St. Paul's, 1652, Quar- 
to, containing six pages ------------ - 265 

4 great Victory obtained by the English against the Dutch, and the 
Pursuing of the Dutch Fleets, by General Blake and Sir George 
Ayscue, with one hundred and eighty men of war, towards the 
Downs, and their Resolution to engage them, between Dover and 
Calais. The manner how.Sir George Ayscue, with great policy, ob- 
tained the wind ; the number sunk and taken ; and two gallant 
ship.*, surprised by Captain Stoaks, laden with Gold and Elephants 
Teeth. Also, the number of ships coming up the River of Thames 
for London, richly laden from the East Indies, the Streights, Vir- 
ginia, and Barbadqes, Die Septernbris 87, 1053. Eitractea qt of 



the Original Papers, sent, from Captain Stoaks, to the honourable 
Councifof State, on Sunday last, September the. tweim -sixth. Tm- 
printed at London for George Horton, 1652. Qtiam>, containing 

eight pages -- 269 

A Cry against a Crying Sin : Or, a just Complaint to tho Magistrates, 
, against them who have broken the Statute La\vs of '>d, by kiiiing 

/ or Men merely for The ft. Manifested in a Petition long since pre- 
sented to the Common-Council of the City of London, on the Behalf 
of Transgressors. Together with certain Proposals, presented by 
Colonel Pride, to ttye Right Honourable the General Co'tnnl for the 
Army, and the Committee appointed by the Parliament of England, 
to consider of the Inconveniences, Mischiefs, ChargeabJeness, and 
Irregularities in their Law. Printed at London, for Samuel Chidley, 
dwelling in Bow-Lane, at the Sign of the Chequer, 1652. Quarto, 
containing thirty-four pages, in Red Letter -------- 27f 

The Proposals of theCom.-nittee for Regulating the Law, both in Sense, 
Form, and Practice, communicated to publick View, by especial Or- 
der and Command. Quarto, containing eight pages ----- J85 

IT>i* jia^/Jo'?, the Triumph of Learning over Ignorance, and of Truth 
over Falshood ; being an Answer to four Queries : 

Whether there be any Need of Universities? 
Who is to be accounted an Herelick ? 
Whether it be lawful to use Conventicles? 
Whether a Layman may preach ? 

Which were lately proposed by a Zealot in the Parish Church at 
Swacy, near Cambridge, after the second Sermon, October S, 1652; 
since that enlarged by the Answerer, II. B. B. D. and Fellow of Tri- 
nity College, Cambridge. London, printed 1655. Quarto, contain- 
ing thirty-eight pages --------,------ 39$ 

The Laws Discovery : Or, a Brief Detection of sundry notorious Errors 
and Abuses contained in onr English Laws, whereby Thousands are 
annually stripped of their Estates, and some of their Lives. By a 
Well-wisher to his Country. London, printed in 1653. Quarto, con- 
taining five pages -----.-.--._--.. 333 

A Narration of the late Accident in the New Exchange, on the twenty- 
Srsl and twenty-second of November, 1653. Stylo Vet, Written by 
the most noble and iHustrious Lord, Don Pantiileon Sa, Brother to 
his Excellency of Portugal, Extraordinary Legate in England, to his 
much esteemed Nobility of England, and to'all the beloved and fa- 
mous City of London from Newgate's Prison. London, printed in 
the Year !Co3. Quarto, containing fourteen pages - - - - -325 

The Lord General Cromwell's Speech, delivered in the Council-Cham- 
ber, upon the fourth of July, 1653, to the Persons then assembled 
and intrusted with the supreme Authority ot the Nation. This is a 
true Copy, published for Information, and to prevent Mistakes. 
Printed in the year 165-t. Quarto, containing twenty-eight pages. 331 

The Old Pharisee, with the new Phylacteries of Presbytery. . Quarto, 
containing twenty-six pages -----._-----_ 34.4 

The Life of that incomparable Man, Faustus Socinus Senensis, descri- 
bed hy a Poloman knight. Whereunto is added an excellent Dis- 
course, which the same Author would have had premised to the 
Works of Socinus; together with a Catalogue of those Works. ' n- 
don : Printed for Richard Moone, at the Seven Stai ?, ;,; . ' 
Church-yard, 1653. Octavo, containing forty-two p-igrs - - -355 

A brief and perfect Journal of the late Proceedings and Sucqess of the 
English Army in the West Indies, continued u/ttil ' t.. ^4th, 
1655. Together with some Queues, inserted and au.wc.rcd. Pub- 

" Pag 

lished for Satisfaction of all such who desire truly to be informed in 
these Particulars. By I. S. an Eye-witness. 

Veritas nudata celari non palest. 
London, printed 1655. Quarto, containing twenty-seven pa^es - - $72 

TheEnetish Hermit, or Wonder of this Age : Being a Relation of the 
Life of Roger Crab, living near Uxbriclge ; taken from his own 
Mouth ; shewing his strange, reserved, and unparalleled 
of Life, who counted it a Sin against his Body an<i Soul, to eat any 
Sort of Flesh, Fish, or living Creature, or to drink any W me, Ale, or 
Iker. He can live with three Farthings a Week. His constant 
Food is Rrrjtsand Herbs; as Cabbage, Turneps, Carrots, Dock- 
Leaves and Grass; also Bread and Bran, without Butter or Cheese : 
His Cloathing is Sack-cloth. He left the Army, and kept a Shop at 
Chesham, and halh now left off that, and sold a considerable Estate 
to give to the Poor, shewing his Reasons from the Scripture, Mark 

* x 51 Tcr xxxv 

Wherefore if Meat make my Brother to offend, I will never eat F/esh 

zchi'le the World stands, 1 Cor. viii. 13. 

London, printed, and are to be sold in Pope's-head Alley, and at the 
Exchange, 1655. Quarto, containing twenty-two pages - - - - 390 

A Century of the Names and Scantlings of such-Inventions, as at pres- 
ent I can call to Mind to have tried and perfected, which, my former 
Notes being lost, I have, atthe Instance of a powerful Friend, endea- 
voured now, in the Year 1655, to set these down in such a Way as 
may sufficiently instruct me to put any of them in Practice. London, 
printed by J. Grismond in 1663. Twenty-fours, containing niuery- 
one pages ------------------- 405 

The Protector's Declaration against the Royal Family of the Stuarts, 
aftd the true Worshipof theChurch of England. Printed and published 
fey his Hjghness's special Commandment. London, printed by Hen- 
ry Hills and John Field, Printers to his Highness. From a Folio 
page -- - ----------------- 4CO 

The most lamentable and dreadful Thunder and Lightning in the 
County of Norfolk, and the City of Norwich, on July 20, being the 
Lord's Day in the 'Afternoon : The Whirlwind and thick Darkness, 
and most prodigious Hailstones, which, being above five Inches about, 
did so violently batter down the Windows of the City, that Three- 
thousand Pounds will hardly repair them. Diverse Men and Women 
strnck dead. The Firing of some Towns, and whole Fields of Corn, 
by Lightning, which also destroyed the Birds of the Air, and Beasts 
of the Field. Together with another most violent Storm, which, 
happening on Saturday last in the same County, for almost thiity 
Miles together, performed the like terrible Effects. Attested by Ten- 
thousand Witnesses, who were either Spectators, or PartakenTof the 
Loss. Entered according toOrder, the 31st of July, 1656. London, 
printed by R. I. for F. Grove on Snow-hill, I6r>6. Quarto, contain- 
ing five pages, with a wooden Cut in the Title-page, representing 
Jupiter in the Clouds, with a Thunder-bolt in his Right Hand - 423 

The grand Impostor examined : Or, the Life, Trial, and Examination 
of James Nay ler, the seduced and seducing Quaker; with the Man- 
ner of his riding into Bristol. London, printed for Henry Brome, at 
the Hand in St. Paul's Church Yard, 1656. Quarto, containing fil- 
ty-six pages -- -------_______ __ 421 

A Case of Conscience, Whether it be lawful to admit Jt-ws into a 
Christian Commonwealth? Resolved by Mr. John Dtiry : Written 
to Samuel liartlib, Esq. London, printed for Richard Wodenothe, 



in Leadenhall-strect, next to the Golden Heart, 1656. Quarto, con- 
taining; twelve pages - ---------_--__ 433 

A Narrative of the late Proceedings at Whitehall, concerning the Jews : 
Who had desired by Rabbi Manasses, an Agent for them, that they 
might return into England, and worship the God of their Fathers 
here in the Synagogues, e. Published for Satisfaction to many iu 
seveial Parts of England, that are desirous and inquisitive to hear 
the Truth thereof. London, printed for L. Chapman, at the Crown 
in Popc's-head Alley, 1656. Quarto, containing sixteen pages - - 445 
A Narrative of the late Parliament (so called), their Election and Ap- 
pearing; the Seclusion of a great Part of them; the Sitting of the 
rest : With an Account of the Places of Profit, Salaries, and Ad- 
vantages, which they hold and receive under the present Power; 
with some Queries thereupon, and upon the most material Acts arid 
Proceedings passed by them: All humbly proposed to Consideration, 
and published for Information of the People, by a Friend to the 
Commonwealth, and to its dear-bought Rights and Freedom. Anno 
1657. Quarto, containing sixty-three pages ------- -454 

A Second Narrative of the late Parliament (so called), wherein, after a 
brief Reciting some remarkable Passages in the former Narrative, is 
given an Account of their second Meeting, and things transacted by 
them : As also, how the Protector (so called) came swearing ' By the 
living God,' and, dissolved them, after two or three Weeks sitting, 
&c. &c. Printed in the fifth Year of England's Slavery, under its new 
Monarchy, 1658 ------------_-___ 433 

Nuntius a mortuis : Or, a Messenger from the Dead : that is, A stupen- 
dious and dreadful Colloquy, distinctly and alternately heard by di- 
vers, betwixt the Ghosts of Henry the Eighth and Charles the First, 
(both Kings of England) who lie entombed in the Church of Wind- 
sor. Wherein, as with a Pencil from Heaven, is tiquidly, from Head 
to Foot, set forth the whole Series of the Judgments of God upon the 
Sins of these unfortunate Islands. Translated out of the Latin Copy 
by G. T. and printed atParis, 1657. Quarto, containing twenty-six 

pages - --- - "-. 508 

The Coat of Arms of Sir John Presbyter. Printed in the Year 1658. 
Folio, containing one page - --------____ 534, 

A brief Relation, containing an Abbreviation of the Arguments, urged 
by the late Protector, against the Government of this Nation, by a 
King or a Single Person, to convince Men of the Danger and Incon- 
veniency thereof. Printed, January, 1658. Quarto, containing 

eight pages - -- ------ 535 

Cromwell's Complaint of Injustice: Or, his Dispute with Pope Alexan- 
der the Sixth, for Precedency in Hell. Folio, containing two pages 529 
A seasonable Speech, made by a worthy Member of Parliament in the 

House of Commons, concerning the other House, March, 1659 - - 532 
Cornu Copia : A Miscellaneum of lucriferons and most fructiferous Ex- 
periments, Observations, and Discoveries,immethodically distributed; 
to be really demonstrated, aud communicated in all Sincerity. Quar- 
to, containing sixteen pages ------------ 540 






Containing, at large, the wars he managed, and the commands he had 
in Holland, the Palatinate, and in England: together with some 
wonderful observations of himself, and his predecessors, and many 
most remarkable passages, from his infancy, unto the day of his 

By Robert Codrington, Master of Arts. 
Louuon, Printed by F. Leach, for L. Chapman, Anno Dom. 1646. 

The author, Mr. Codrington, was born of an antient and genteel family 
in Gloucestershire, elected Demy of Magdalen College in Oxford, 
the twenty-ninth of July, 1619, about seventeen years old, and took 
the Master's degree in 1626. After that, he travelled into several 
foreign lands ; and, at his return, lived a gentleman's life, first in Nor- 
folk, where he married; and finished his life at London, by the 
plague, in the year 1665,-having published many pieces of different 
taste in his life-time, and left several manuscripts prepared for the 

As for the history before us, it is true, that he plainly declares himself 
a parliamenteer; yet, so far as it goes, it is the least exceptionable, 
and the most comprehensive, of any writings on the same subject, in 
those times: for, besides the character of his hero, the Earl of Essex, 
he gives us the general opinion, and the ground of the first part of 
the civil war; seems to relate the natural facts without aggravation, 
and always speaks of the King's majesty with respect, ascribing the ill 
conduct of his affairs, and bad success, to the wickedness and heat 
of his counsels; and heartily wishing a good and lasting reconciliation 
and peace between the King and his parliament. 

T> EFORE we do begin with the discourse of the life and death of this 
-*-* illustrious earl, it will not be impertinent to speak one word of the 
renowned earl, his father, who, as he rendered himself admirable, by the 
many great and glorious actions which he performed both by land and 
sea ; so I may call it his master-piece, that he did beget so brave a son, 
and I may call it his son's master-piece, that he did lively resemble so 

A 3 


brave a father, in the height and perfection of his virtues, which he did 
express in his love unto his country, and in his atchievements for the 
honour and safety of it; and this shall ennoble both their names unto 
all posterity. 

To give you a parallel of these two worthies, is a task almost as im- 
possible as impertinent ; for if you will excuse in them the priority of 
time, we may, in the course of their lives and honours, make a parallel, 
as soon, betwixt two beams of the sun, who are the same in heat, in 
glory, and in influence, and who do differ in nothing but in number 
only ; we will therefore save that art and labour, and, as succinctly as 
we can, we will address ourselves to the great task we have undertaken. 

This most noble earl was born in London, in the year of our Lord 1592, 
and almost in the evening of the reign of Queen Elisabeth, who, for his 
excellent endowments, did countenance his father living, and did lament 
him, being dead. His mother had the happiness to be espoused to three 
of the most gallant personages which that age did know. Her first hus- 
band was Sir Philip Sidney, whose virtues are too high for the praises 
of other men to reach them, and too modest to desire them ; his pen and 
his sword have rendered him famous enough ; he died by the one, and 
by the other he will ever live. This is the happiness of art, that although 
the sword doth atchieve the honour, yet the arts do record it, and no 
pen hath made it better known than his own. Her second husband was 
the renowned father of this most noble earl, who died bclu.--.\ and ho- 
noured, as well by his foes, as by his friends, and whose loss even heaven 
might lament, did not heaven enjoy him. Her third husbarr 1 was the 
Earl of Clanrickard, a gallant gentleman, who exceeded the wildness of 
his native country, by his second education, and who exceeded his edu- 
cation by the happiness of his wedlock ; and though, peradventure, 
some vain men do account it but as two threads put together, he did 
make it his band, by the advantage of which, he did so twist himself 
into the English virtues, that nothing remained in him as spun from 
Ireland, as Ireland now doth stand. 

To omit the presages, and the unfaithful kisses of the promising 
madams who rocked his cradle, I will not say, that in that moving 
wicker [like another Hercules] he strangled in each hand the two in, 
vadmg dragons of transcending prerogative and superstition: this was 

; business of his life to come; a business which did grow up with 
his youth in hope, and which, in the event, did crown his age with 

Though the laurels, that crown the brows of conquerors, are the 

kest and the heaviest, yet, I believe, the wreaths that court the 

arows of art are the greenest; we conquer, in our age, our foes in the 

sM, but we overcome our greatest foe, which is ignorance, in our 

youth; to conquer which, he received hereditary courage from his 

ather, who not only overcame, but triumphed over it, and did accept 

formality ot two degrees, and, with great reputation, performed the 

jelongmg to them in the university of Cambridge. 
It is most cerfdin, that illustrious and extraordinary p^rsona^s have 
ftentimes extraordinary illuminations of the events, both good and bad, 
which shall befal them ; of this we can give you remarkable instances 


in this family. When Sir Walter Devereux was created Viscount of 
Hereford, and Earl of Essex, about the twelfth year of the reign of 
Queen Elisabeth, because lie was descended, by his mother's side, from 
the antient and honourable family of the Bouchiers, it was the delibe-. 
rate pleasure of the queen and state to increase his honours, by the 
knowledge of the fulness of his merit, and to make him governor of Ire- 
land ; and this place being preferred unto him [for, indeed, he was a 
gentleman of incomparable endowments] he did manage the affairs of 
that kingdom with great honour and judgment ; and, by a secret power 
of attraction, which is natural and inherent to that family, he gained 
the approbation and applause of all men, and did much advance the 
affairs of England in the kingdom of Ireland ; but the ambition and 
policy of the Earl of Leicester, who would have no man more eminent 
than himself, did so prevail at court, that, upon no cause at all, but 
that he was as good as great, he must be dishonoured from his dignity, 
and the government of that kingdom conferred on Sir Henry Sidney, a 
deserving gentleman, indeed, and the more meritorious, because he was 
the father of Sir Philip. This indignity did stick such an impression on 
this noble earl, who had now only a charge of some empty regiments of 
horse and foot, that his melancholy brought a fever on him ; and the 
sooner, because his friend was the author of this injury, for the Earl of 
Leicester did pretend to no man greater affection than to himself. After 
some days, his sickness did confine him to his chamber, and afterwards 
to his bed. His dying words were remarkable ; he desired that his son, 
who was not then above ten years of age, might refrain from the court, 
and not trust his ear with the flatteries, nor his eye with the splendor of 
it ; and, above all things, that he should be mindful of the six and thir- 
tieth year of his age, beyond which, neither he, nor but few of his fore- 
fathers, lived. His instructed son did obey his father's will, and for 
many years did lead a contented and a retired life in Anglesey, until [I 
know not by what spell] the Earl of Leicester did work him into the 
fatal circle, and betrayed him to destruction. Being condemned to the 
block, he remembered his father's prediction, which now he could not 
avoid : and which is, indeed, most wonderful, on the very same hour, 
and [as it is believed] on the very same minute, that he was beheaded, 
his SOB, who at that time was a student in Eaton college, did sud- 
denly, and distractedly, leap out of his bed, where he was fast asleep, 
and, to the amazement of all, he cried out, that his father was killed, his 
lather was dead ; and not many hours after, the sad news was brought, 
which so early in the morning, and so strangely, he presaged. 

His father being dead, this young earl was now looked on with more 
than ordinary observance; and the rather, because it was generally 
reported, that his father had too severe a tryal, and that his life was 
made a sacrifice, to satisfy the ambition of some great personages, high 
in favour at the court. Sure it is that there appeared something of injus- 
tice in his death, for otherwise, why should Sir Walter Raleigh, and 
others, who were condemned as accessary to it, so publickly afterwards, 
and in print, disclaim it. 

Queen Elisabeth being deceased, King James was no sooner esta- 
blished in. the possession of the crown of England, but he restored to this 

A 4 


young earl his father's titles and estate, and his eldest son (the mirror 
of hisage, and the western world) Prince Henry was pleased to be very 
conversant and familiar with him, being near unto him in age, but more 
near in affection, than in years. Betwixt whom and this earl, there 
happened a remarkable passage, which I conceive, in this place, not 
improper to insert. 

Prince Henry, and this young earl, delighting themselves one morn- 
ing, with the exercise and the pleasure of the tennis-court, after that a 
set or two were played, there did arise some difference upon a mistake : 
from banding of the ball, the prince, being raised into a choler, did begin 
to bandy words, and was so transported with his passion, that he told 
the Earl of Essex, that he was the son of a traytor. The Earl of Essex 
was then in the flourish of his youth, and full of fire and courage, and 
being not able to contain himself, he did strike the prince, with his 
racket, on the head, and that so shrewdly, that [as it is said] some drops 
of blood did trickle down. The news of this was presently brought to 
the king's ear, who having examined the business, and fully understood 
the manner, and the occasion of it, did dismiss the earl, without any 
great check, and (being a true peace-maker) he told his son, that he, 
who did strike him then, would be sure, with more violent blows, to 
strike his enemy in times to come. 

This being in this manner reconciled, the report of this young earl 
did arise every day higher and greater. His recreations were riding of 
the great horse, running at the ring, and the exercise of arms. His 
other hours were taken up in study, and in perusal of books, that 
yielded most profit, not most delight, and from these he would always 
arise better, than when he sat down unto them ; his delights were hunt- 
ing of the hare, or buck, and he would seldom fail to be amongst the 
foremost, at the fall of the stag, or when the falcon on his wing was 
stooing to his prey. He, from his infancy, was well affected to religion, 
and to the reformation of the church; and this he received by inheri- 
tance from his father, for when the bishops (that felt the smart of it) had 
cried out against that lashing pamphlet, called, Martin-Mar-Prelate, 
and there was a prohibition published, that no man should presume to 
carry it about him, upon pain of punishment, and the queen herself did 
speak as much, when the earl was present: why then, said the earl, 
what will become of me? And, pulling the book out of his pocket, h 
did shew it to the queen. I have heard grave men, and of great judg- 
ment, say, that he was the less inclined to Dr. Whitgift, a reverend 
divine, and his tutor also, because he was a bishop. But the ambition 
and pride of the prelates, and the clergy, were not then arrived to their 
ulmobt period; the suppressing of them must remain to be the work of 
my lord, his son, whom the parliament of England shall find to be their 
happy instrument, ordained for so great an end, by a greater power. 

The Earl of Essex being confirmed in his father's honours and pos- 

lons, that a perfect reconcilement might be made in ali things a 

marriage was contracted and concluded in the year 1606, betwixt him 

J! U V hc 'ady F ranccs Howard, daughter to the Right Honourable the 

oik. She was a lady as transcendent in her spirit as her 

beauty : they were much about one age when they were married the 


lady Frances being about thirteen, and the earl not above sixteen at the 
most; therefore for some few years, by reason of the nonage of the earl, 
they lived apart until about the year l6lO, at which time they enjoyed 
the society of one bed, and so continued until about the year l6l3, 
when a complaint was made, and so closely prosecuted, that a way was 
contrived, and carried on with great power, for the procuring of a 
divorce betwixt the Earl of Essex and this lady. I say it was carried 
on with great power, for both divinity and law did not only look on, but 
were inforced to be actors in it. And yet they, who so much laboured 
in it, had afterwards the leisure to repent it, for this divorce was no 
sooner made, but the Earl of Somerset (who, at that time, was high in 
the king's favour) married this lady, the King himself and the arch- 
bishop being present, and allowing it. At that time there was a gentle- 
man of excellent understanding, Sir Thomas Overbury by name, who, 
being beloved by the Earl of Somerset, did compose a poem, intituled 
The Wife, to dissuade the Earl of Somerset from this marriage ; but the 
lady, conceiving that it did reflect upon her honour, did so prevail with 
the earl, that she turned his love unto hatred, and wrought his hatred 
unto so great a height, that nothing but the death of Sir Thomas Over- 
bury could satisfy their revenge. His death being resolved on, they put 
it to the question by what means it should be performed, and it was con- 
cluded on by poison. There was a woman in those days famous for 
those arts, Mrs. Turner by name; they propound it unto her, and she 
is easily drawn into any mischief. The lieutenant of the Tower, Sir 
Jervis Elwaycs*, was also made acquainted with it : the tragedy was no 
sooner acted but discovered ; the actors were appn-hended. Sir Jervis 
Elwayes was examined, found guilty, condemned, and suffered on 
Tower-hill : there was also one F rankling hanged, who brought the 
poison. Mrs. Turner, that prepared it, did also lose her life at Tyburn. 
This is the woman who first invented, and brought into fashion the use 
of yellow starch. The Earl of Somerset and his new-married ladj 
were, upon pain of death, prohibited not to approach the presence of the 
King, nor to' come within ten miles of his majesty's court. This did 
beget so great a discontent, that their love by degrees did begin to suffer 
diminution with their pomp : and the lady on her death-bed, being 
troubled in her mind, did much cry out upon the Earl of Essex, whom 
she had so much injured. 

The Earl of Essex, perceiving how little he was beholden to Venus, is 
now resolved to address himself to the court of Mars ; and to this pur- 
pose he doscendeth into the Netherlands, which, at that time, was the 
school of honour, for the nobility of England, in their exercise of arms: 
there he was no sooner arrived, but, with magnificent joy, he was enter- 
tained by grave Maurice, who saw buth in his carriage, and his courage, 
the lively image of his father. He at first trailed a pike, and refused no 
service in the field, which every ordinary gentleman is accustomed to 
perform. This did much endear him to the soldiers, and his liberality 
and humanity did the more advance- him. He not long after had there 
the command of a regiment. At the same time the Earl of Oxford was 

Or, Yelvis. 

in Holland, a great and gallant commander, from whose valour and 
whose actions, other soldiers may take example, both to fight, and over- 
come. With him, and some others, who also had the charge of regi- 
ments, the Earl of Essex was very conversant ; and the presence and 
command of these noblemen in the army did much add to the honour 
of the English regiment, and did enlarge and dilate their own fame into 
adjacent kingdoms. 

He continued certain years in the Netherlands, and, having gained 
renown, by his experience and perfection in the feats of arms, he ad- 
vanced thence to" the Palatinate, to which place went also the Earl of 
Southampton, the Lord Willoughby, the Earl of Oxford, and Sir John 
Borlans, with their regiments; they arrived most welcome to the king 
and queen of Bohemia, the present condition of their affairs much want- 
ing the presence of such brave commanders, who gave a new life and 
spirit to the soldiers wheresoever they came. At that time there were 
great hopes that the King of England would, out of his three kingdoms, 
send such a continued stock of men to the Palatinate, that the crown of 
Bohemia should be established on the head of the Elector Palatine, and 
that by no course sooner than by virtue of the English arms : but King 
James never stood greatly affected, either to this war, or to the cause 
thereof, and thereupon some regiments of unexperienced voluntiers going 
OVCT, instead of a well-composed army, it was one reason, amongst many 
others, that not only Bohemia, but the Palatinate were also lost, which 
were both invaded by so mighty an enemy as was then the emperor, and 
seconded by so puissant a potentate as was the King of Spain. 

The Earl of Essex having adventured all things for the relief of that 
distressed lady, and finding an impossibility, with such weak forces, to 
oppose so gnat a power, he resolved to return into England, but not 
without some hope that his majesty would be sensible of his daughter's 
sufferings, and of those illustrious and hopeful cradles, which grief and 
fear did rock, and that he would send over such full recruits of men, as 
might advance again his speedy return into Germany. 

But God did otherwise ordain it, for not long after King James, by 
the privation of death, enjoyed the possession of a betler life. And, 
Prince Charles being invested with the crown, he was so far from send- 
ing forces into Germany, that the German horse were called over into 

The delight of King James was peace, but almost the first designs of 
King Charles wefc war. To this purpose, that ho might make his king- 
doms as terrible by arms, as his father had left them flourishing in 
peace, he callcth a parliament, which (the sickness, at the same time 
raging with great violence in the city of London) did meet at Oxford 
on the beginning of the month of August, in the first year of his reign ; 
but this king was never fortunate either in his parliaments, or in his 
wars, tor, the Duke of Buckingham being questioned, the parliament 
was not long after dissolved. Howsoever, a design went on fora sudden 
expedition into Cadiz in Spain, which was committed to be managed 
by the Viscount Wimblcton, and by the Earl of Essex. The Earl of 
Essex did the more readily undertake it, because the judgment and the 
ralour of Sir Edward Cecill, created by the King Viscount Wimblcton, 


was highly regarded by him, having had sufficient experience of it in the 
Low-Countries, where Sir Edward Cecill also for a long time, and with 
great reputation, commanded a regiment, for the service of the states : 
his other reason was, because that his father heretofore had taken 
Cadiz, and he believed that a more gallant action could never be im- 
posed on him, than to be designed unto that place, where he might en- 
large his own, and renew his father's glory. Being imbarqued for the 
prosecution of this service, which promised so much honour ; being at 
sea, and by a fair wind brought almost as far as Cadiz, the chief com- 
manders opened their commission, and finding, to their great grief, that 
they had not that power granted them, which they expected, they had 
many consultations on it : Sir Edward Cecill was loth to exceed the 
bounds of the commission, well knowing what danger, on his return, 
might ensue thereby. 

The Earl of Essex was unwilling to return without effecting any 
thing : and the rather, because the Spaniards (according to the ostenta- 
tion natural to that nation) did begin to dare him from their walls and 
battlements; insomuch that some of his men were landed, and entered 
some part of the town ; and the earl found that it was no difficult mat- 
ter for the English again to be masters of the town, had they but autho- 
rity to fall on. Howsoever the Spaniards had notice before hand that 
the English ships had a design upon that place ; and some, withal, are 
of opinion, that they knew how far their commission did extend: all 
along the shore their horse and foot stood ready to entertain us at our 
landing, who wanted neither desire, nor resolution, to encounter them, 
had but the word been given. The Earl of Essex, being sorry that he 
was employed on so unnecessary an expedition, and so unsuitable to the 
English temper, did resolve with himself, on his return to England, to 
adventure no more on such employments, but to repair again to Hol- 
land, where the courage of himself, and his soldiers, should be sure of 
action, and where their action should be attended with honour. He there 
resided a certain time, and by his exemplary virtue did much advance 
the affairs of that state. Being called back into England, by the impor- 
tunity of his friends, he afterwards married with Mrs. Elisabeth Paulet, 
who (if I am not mistaken) had then some relation to the Marchioness of 
Hertford, sister to this earl. This Mrs. Paulet was a young lady of a 
delicate temper; she was daughter of Sir William Paulet of Hc-dington 
in Wiltshire, and descended by the father's side, from the illustrious 
family of the Paulets, Marquis of Winchester : by her, the Earl of Essex 
had a son, who was christened Robert, after his father's name, and died 
in the year 16.36, and lies buried atDrayton in the county of Warwick. 

There is nothing born so happy, which is absolute in every part, for, 
much about the same time, there did arise some discontents, betwixt 
the earl and this lady also, upon which this earl did ever after abandon 
all uxorious thoughts, and wholly applied himself to the improvement 
of those rules, which conduce to the soundness of church and state: 
and, if any unscverer hours of leisure offered themselves in his study, h 
would employ that time in the perusal of some laboured poem, and 
having great judgment, especially in the English verse, it was his custom 


to applaud the professors of that art, as high as their desert, and to 
reward them above it; and he was no way inclined to the sullen opi- 
nion of those men who disclaim the muses, and esteem all poems to be 
as unlawful, as unprofitable. 

When the ambition and the excess of the bishops did swell them up it 
uch an uncompassed greatness, that they were not only become unwieldy 
to themselves, and intolerable to their diocesses, but endeavoured also to 
lay unconscionable burdens by compulsive ceremonies, on the kingdom 
of Scotland, the women there did first begin the coil, which was after- 
wards followed by their youth, their youth, who mustered themselves 
into arms for the defence of their religion, protesting themselves to be 
enemies to all thoughts, that had but the Ic-ast relation to the church of 

To this resolution (it being for the cause of God) the whole kingdom 
of Scotland did ioin their devoted hands. The King was seduced by 
the English bishops to make a war against them, and great preparations 
were in hand, to that intent. In the first year that the King advanced 
against the Scots, the Earl of Essex was one of his principal command- 
ers, but it pleased God to make that year no year of blood. In the 
year following, a parliament was called, and, money being gained for 
the prosecution of the war, it was again broke off. To this war, the 
bishops did contribute much, and Doctor Peirce, the bishop at that 
time of Bath and Wells, did not doubt to call it in his pulpit, the 
Bishops War. But what had the bishops to do with the sword, and 
indeed it thrived with them accordingly; for, the army of the King 
being beaten by the Scots, and the town of Newcastle being seized by 
them, it was thought expedient by the King's best counsellors that a 
parliament should be called again. This is the parliament which unto 
this day doth continue, and which have laboured so much to their per- 
petual glory, for the reformation of religion, for the liberty of the sub- 
ject, and the safety of the kingdom. 

On the beginning of this parliament, which represented the whole 
body of the kingdom, the King who, without all doubt, was inforced to 
summon it, to relieve the crying oppressions of his subjects, did appear 
like a man in a lever ; sometimes very hot to give satisfaction to the 
complaints and desires of his subjects, and sometimes again cold and 

The most noble Earl of Pembroke, and Montgomery, being dismissed 
from his place, by the pleasure of his majesty, the parliament did move 
the King, that the Earl of Essex might succeed him, to which (his 
majesty unwilling openly to deny them) did give his assent ; he knew 
very well that received maxim that (during their time of sitting in par- 
liament) subjects are greater than they are, and the King less. 

The earl, although (for a long time) he had discontinued the court, 
yet did deport himself, with so much honour and judgment, that the old 
courtiers, and those who were most intire unto his majesty could not 
find the least subject of distaste. But the discontents betwixt the King 
and parliament increasing, and the King forsaking London, the noble 
Earl of Essex (being a member of the House of Peers) would not for- 


ake the parliament, although there is no question but that he had insti- 
gations enough from the followers of the court to persuade him to it. 
Of such a vertue is honour and conscience in the breast of true nobility. 

The King beginning his gests towards the west, and afterwards wheel- 
in in earnest towards the north, the parliament did send petition on 
petition to beseech his majesty to return unto the parliament ; to which 
the King did return most plausible answers, there bring no where to be 
found more art that suborned reason to attend it, or more accurate lan- 
guage. But the parliament rinding a great disproportion betwixt the 
insinuations of his majesty to delude the people, and his actions to 
strengthen himself, and that his voice was the voice of Jacob, but the 
hands were the hands of Esau ; and understanding withal that his ma- 
jesty had summoned in the country about York, where there appeared 
many thousands that promised to adhere unto him, and that he had a 
resolution to besiege Hull, and force it to his obedience, they were com- 
pelled (though with hearts full of sorrow) to have recourse to arms. 

Money is the sinew of war, to provide themselves with which, the city 
were desired to bring in their plate to make it sterling for that service. 
The publick faith of the kingdom was their security for it; and indeed 
what better security could any man expect than the faith of the whole 
kingdom, of which the parliament were the body representative, and (as 
it were) the feoffees in trust. You would admire what sums of ready 
money, what rings of gold, what store of massy plate both silver and 
gilt were brought in a few days to Guildhall. Guildhall did never de- 
serve its name so properly, as at this present. In the mean time, Moor- 
fields and those places, where horses for service were to be listed, were 
almost thronged with excellent horse; and the youth of London, who 
devoted themselves to the service of the parliament, and to hazard their 
lives for the safety of the two kingdoms, did look with emulation on one 
another who should be the first should back them. 

This being provided, in the next place care is taken for the raising of 
an army, and for a general to conduct them : there was no man could 
be possibly thought upon more able to undertake so great a charge than 
the illustrious Earl of Essex, whose name in arms was great, and the 
love of the people to him did strive to be great as was that name. At 
the first appearance in the artillery-garden, where the voluntiers were to 
be listed, there came in no less than four-thousand of them, in one day, 
vrho declared their resolutions to live and die with the Earl of Essex, 
for the safety and the peace of the kingdom ; and every day (for a cer- 
tain space) did bring in multitudes of such well affected people, who 
preferred their consciences above their lives, and who would hazard 
with them their dearest blood for the preservation of the reformed reli- 
gion, and for the parliament that did reform it. 

Not long after, the Earl of Essex, having sent before him his whole 
equipage of war, who were quartered and exercised in the country, and 
were now expert in their arms, did pass through the city of London to- 
wards them, being accompanied with many lords and gentlemen, as also 
with many colonels and commanders of the city, and many hundreds of 
horse-men, and the trained-bands who guarded him through Temple-bar 
unto Moor-fields ; from thence in his coach he passed to High-gate, the 


people, on each hand, having all the way made a hedge with their own 
bodies, and with loud acclamations all crying out, God bless my Lord 
General, God preserve my Lord General. 

His excellency being now in his march to oppose the forces of the 
Kin", the high wisdom of the parliament (although they had often 
moved the King before by diverse petitions) did think it expedient to 
send one humble petition more unto his majesty, to beseech him to 
remove himself from those evil counsels and counsellors, who had 
fomented the horrid rebellion in Ireland, and had endeavoured the like 
bloody massacre in England, by inciting him to make war with the par- 
liament, who were the best subjects in his kingdom : we will in thi* 
place deliver to you the petition of both the houses of parliament, which 
petition being so full of high concernment and humble addresses, and 
because it was to be delivered by his excellency the Earl of Essex, we 
conceive it very requisite in this place to insert it. 



The kumbk petition of the Lords and Commons, now assembled in Parlia- 

WE your majesty's most loyal subjects, the lords and commons in 
parliament, cannot, without great grief, and tenderness of compassion, 
behold the pressing miseries, the imminent danger, and the devouring 
calamities, which do extremely threaten, and have partly seized upon 
both your kingdoms of England and Ireland, by the practices of a party 
prevailing with your majesty; who by many wicked plots and conspira- 
cies have attempted the alteration of the true religion, and of the ancient 
government of this kingdom, by the introducing of Popish superstition 
and idolatry into the church, and tyranny and confusion in the state, 
and, for the compassing thereof, have long corrupted your majesty's 
counsels, abused your power, and, by sudden and untimely dissolving of 
former parliaments, have often hindered the reformation, and prevention 
of those mischiefs ; who, being now disabled to avoid the endeavours of 
this parliament by any such jneans, have traiterously attempted to over- 
awe the same by force, and, in prosecution of their wicked designs, 
have excited, encouraged, and fostered an unnatural rebellion in Ire- 
land, by which, in a cruel and most outrageous manner, many of your 
subjects there have been destroyed ; and by false slanders upon your 
parliament, and by malicious and unjust accusations, they have endea- 
voured to begin the. like massacre here. But, bfing disappointed therein 
by the blessing of God, they have (as the most mischievous and bloody 
design of all) won upon your majesty to make war against your parlia- 
ment and good subjects of this kingdom ; leading in your own person an 
army against them, as if you intended by conquest to establish an abso- 
lute and an illimited power over them, and, by the power and the coun- 
tenancing of your presence, have ransacked, spoiled, imprisoned, and 
murdered diverse of your people: and, for their better assistance in 
these wicked designs, do seek to bring over the rebels of Ireland, and 


other forces from beyond the seas to join with them : and we finding 
ourselves utterly deprived of your majesty's protection, and the authors, 
counselors, and abettors of these mischiefs in greatest power and favour 
\vith your majesty, and defended by you against the justice and autho- 
rity of your high court of parliament, whereby they are grown to that 
height and insolence as to manifest their rage and malice, against those 
of the nobility and others who are any way inclined unto peace, not 
without great appearance of danger to your own royal person, if you 
shall not in all things concur with their wicked and traiterous courses ; 
we have for the just and necessary defence of the Protestant religion, of 
your majesty's person, crown, and dignity, of the laws and liberties of 
the kingdom, and the power and privilege of parliament, taken up arms, 
and appointed and authorised Robert Earl of Essex to be captain 
general of all the forces by us levied, and to lead and to conduct the 
same against these rebels and traytors, and them to subdue and to bring 
to condign punishment; and we do most humbly beseech your majesty 
to withdraw your royal presence and countenance from these wicked 
persons, and, if they shall stand out in defence of their rebellious and 
unlawful attempts, that your majesty will leave them to be suppressed 
by that power, which we have sent against them, and that your majesty 
will not mix your own dangers with theirs, but in peace and safety 
(without your forces) forthwith, return to your parliament, and by your 
faithful counsel and advice compose the present distempers and confu- 
sions abounding in both your kingdoms, and provide for the security and 
honour of yourself, your royal posterity, and the prosperous estate of 
all your subjects; wherein, if your majesty please to yield to our most 
humble and earnest desires, we do, in the presence of Almighty God, 
profess, that we will receive your majesty with all honour, yield you all 
due obedience and subjection, and faithfully endeavour to secure your 
person and estate from all danger; and to the uttermost of our power 
procure, and establish to yourself, and to your people, all the blessings 
of a most happy and glorious reign. 

The Earl of Essex having received this petition, he made use of the 
Earl of Dorset (who was then at Shrewsbury with his majesty) that it 
might find access unto him. And within a few days after the Earl of 
Dorset sent a dispatch to the Earl of Essex, signifying that (according 
to his desire) he had acquainted the King concerning such a petition to 
be presented, and the King returned this answer, that he would receive 
any petition that should be presented to hira from his parliament, from 
any that should bring the same; but that he would not receive a peti- 
tion out of the hands of any traytor. 

His excellency, having received this answer, did conceive it expedient 
to acquaint the parliament with it. Whereupon,' after a serious debate 
upon the business, it was voted by the house of commons, that his 
majesty refusing to receive any petition from those whom he accounted 
traytors, and withal, having proclaimed the Earl of Essex and his adhe- 
rents, traytors, he had, in that word, comprehended both the houses of 
parliament, which is not only against the privileges of parliament, but 
the fundamental laws of the land. It was therefore agreed upon by 


both houses, that the Earl of Essex should go forward in advancing his 
forces according to his instructions, with all convenient speed; and to 
lay by the petition which was to be preferred to his majesty. 

Much about this time the King advanced from Shrewsbury, with an 
army, consisting of six-thousand foot, three-thousand horse, and fifteen- 
hundred dragoons. His design was to march towards London with all 
his forces; of which the Earl of Essex being advertised, he advanced, 
with a resolution to encounter with them ; and being a grave counsel- 
lor, as well as a great commander, he desired the parliament, that the 
trained-bands, in and about the city of London, might be put iu a rea- 
diness for their own defence ; and that the city might be fortified, and 
an especial care taken to secure the persons of the chiefest of those 
malignant citizens, who were suspected to contrive mischief, and were 
able to perform it. Whereupon the house of parliament did order, that 
the trained-bands of London, Middlesex, and Surry, should forthwith 
be put into a readiness, and that the close committee should make a 
diligent enquiry, after the chief malignants of the city ; and warrants 
were issued forth with power to apprehend them, and to bring them to 
the parliament. 

On the 22d of October, his excellency the Earl of Essex did march 
to Kinton, with about twelve regiments of foot, and above forty troops 
of horse ; he made haste to meet with the army of the King, and there- 
fore was forced to leave behind him three regiments of foot, and ten 
troops of horse ; for, the country being destitute of provision, it was 
thought requisite that they should not follow the main body of the 
army, in so swift a march. On the next morning intelligence was re- 
ceived, that the King's army was drawing near, with a resolution to 
encounter with the forces of his excellency. They had got the advan- 
tage of Edge-hill, which served them for a place of safe retreat, it being 
of a high and steep ascent. The Earl of Essex made a stand about half 
a mile from the hill, and did there draw forth his army into a body, and 
did set them in battalia: he marshalled the field with great judgment, 
having but little time to do it; which was no sooner done, but he be- 
held many regimi-nts of the King's foot come down the hill, and there 
were a strong body of dragooners with them. The horse also came 
down in order, and placed themselves at the foot of the hill, on the 
right hand of our army. It was something long before their cannon and 
the rear of their foot could be brought down. Our foot were niarshalled 
a good space behind our horse; three regiments of horse were on the 
right wing of our army, namely, the Lord General's regiment, com- 
manded by Sir Philip Staplelon, who that day did excellent service; Sir 
William Belfore's regiment, who was lieutenant-general of the horse ; 
and the Lord Feilding's regiment, which stood as a reserve unto them. 
In our U-ft wing werw twenty-four troops of horse, commanded by Sir 
James Ramsey, commissary-general. 

The cannon on each side having discharged their cholcrick errands, 
the enemy's foot advanced against our right wing, and they were gal- 
lantly received by Sir William Stapleton's and Sir William Belfore's 
regiments of horse, which were at that instant seconded by the noble 
Lord Roberta's and Sir William Constable's regiments of foot, who 


qharged on the enemy's foot, with so much resolution, that they forced 
them, in great disorder, to shrowd themselves amongst their pikes. That 
day, Sir William Belfore shewed excellent demonstrations of his valour, 
for after this he charged a regiment of the enemy's foot, and broke quite 
through them, and cut many of them in pieces, and not long after, hav- 
ing received some assistance of foot, he defeated another regiment, and 
seized upon a part of the enemy's ordnance; but we did afterwards 
leave them, having none to guard them. The enemy's horse, on the 
left wing, had the better of ours ; for, at the first shock, they routed 
them, and did beat them back upon our foot, and forced their way clean 
through Colonel Hollis's regiment; which struck such a terror to some 
other of our foot regiments, on the left wing, that four regiments, with- 
out striking one stroke^ did run quite away, their officers being not able 
to stay them, who therefore came up to the van, in the right wing, and 
did extraordinary service, amongst which was Colonel Charles Essex, 
who, performing all the parts of a gallant soldier, was unfortunately shot 
in the thigh, of which, not long after, he died. 

His Excellency perceiving that four regiments of the left wing of his 
army were fled, and never fought with, it doubled his resolution on the 
right wing, where, with undaunted valour, he charged the king's regi- 
ment : Once he charged with his own troop of horse, and often with 
his regiment of foot. An admirable man, who, for the safety of the 
kingdom, and to pluck the. king from the hands of those that did mis- 
lead him, did this day admirable service. He was always at the head 
of his army, and, having at last got the advantage of the wind and 
ground, he charged the King's regiment so home (having the regiment 
of the Lord Brooks to assist him) that he utterly defeated it; he took 
the King's standard, and the Earlof Lindsey, General of the King's army : 
His son was also taken prisoner, and Lieutenant-Colonel Vavasor, who 
commanded that regiment; Sir Edward Varney, who carried the King's 
standard, was slain; the Lord Aubigny was also slain; Colonel Munroe, 
e great Commander on the King's side, was slain. Two regiments of 
the enemy's foot (the night coming on) retiring themselves towards the 
hill, found their ordnance without any guard at all, where they made a 
stand, and discharged many great shot against us. By this time the 
body of the enemy's horse, which had been pillaging the waggons at 
Kinton, had the leisure to wheel about, some on one hand of our army, 
and some on the other, and so at last they united themselves to the 
body of their foot; Sir Philip Staple ton, who did remarkable service, 
this day, seeing in what diborder they came along, did ride forth with 
his troop, to charge four or five troops of theirs; which they perceiving, 
did put spurs unto their horses, and, with what speed they could, joined 
themselves with the rest of their broken troops, which had now recover- 
ed their foot that did guard their ordnance. Our horse were also ga- 
thered to our foot, and thus both armies of horse and foot stood one 
against another till night. This great victory being obtained, the 
Earl of Essex marched to Warwick, where he refreshed his army for a 
few days, where Mr. Marshall speaking of the admirable success of this 
battle; his excellency replied twice together, That he nwer saiy lets, 
of man in any thing than in this battle, nor more if God. 

vot. vi. v 


Not long after his excellency the Earl of Essex carae to London, 
with severat of his regiments of horse and foot, who, with much joy 
were entertained by the citizens. And, on the Lord's-day following, 
many good ministers, about the City of London, praised God for their 
safe return to their parents, friends, and masters. 

About the 4th of November 1642, at a conference in the Fainted 
Chamber, the Earl of Northumberland, in the name of the whole House 
of Peers, did acquaint the Commons, that the committee for the safety 
of the kingdom had some thoughts to send certain proportions to his 
Majesty, to prevent the farther effusion of blood, and to re-establish the 
peace of the kingdom, before which time they held it requisite to ac- 
quaint his excellency with it, who returned an answer to the Parjia- 
ment to this effect ; 

That what he had done was in obedience to the commands of both 
Houses, and what they should command further he would be careful to 
obey : That he was now with his army, and could not leave his charge, 
to come, in person, to contribute any thing for his Majesty's honour, 
and the safety of the kingdom. That he believed the committee had 
such reasons for those propositions, as were laid on sure grounds ; but 
withal, that he hoped that they had no fear of any weakness of his 
army, or that the courage of those who stood to it so stoutly, in the 
late battle, would fail them, if nothing but a second encounter must 
decide the matter, and end the quarrel. 

There was now a treaty for Peace agreed upon on both sides, when 
behold, on a sudden, unexpected news is brought unto the parliament 
that the King's and parliament's forces were engaged at Brentford, and 
that prince Rupert, with about thirteen troops of horse, had (undisco- 
vered to our scouts) taken the advantage of a misty morning, with a 
full resolution to cut off the forces of the parliament that were quarter- 
ed thereabouts, and from thence to force his way to London, trusting, 
that, upon their approach so near unto the city, the malignants would 
rise in arms, and declare themselves for the King; but it pleased God so 
in mercy to ordain it, that he fell short of his expectation ; for he was so 
well entertained at Brentford and Turnham-green, by colonel Hollis's 
regiment, and part of the lord Roberts's regiment, the regiment of colonel 
Hampden coming also to their assistance, that prince Rupert durst not 
adventure to make his approaches nearer to the city. And the parlia- 
ment forthwith dispatched a committee to London, to raise all the forces 
both of horse and foot, to defend the city, and secure the out-works. Im- 
mediately his Excellency the Earl of Essex departed from London, and 
marched against the enemy, who, at the first shock, over-powered our 
forces by their number, who were many of them destitute both of powder, 
and all furniture of war : we lost in that service Serjeant-major Quarles, 
and Capt. Lacy, and many soldiers of inferior quality. Capt. Lilburn 
with some others were taken prisoners: there were diverse of the enemy 
slain, and many carts laden with their wounded, and their dead ; besides, 
they buried many, very privately, to conceal the ignominy of their great 

Immediately after this the lord general caused a bridge to be made of 
long and flat-bottomed boats, over the river of Thames, from Fulham unto 


Putney (a sudden work of war) to prevent, and the better to enable his 
men to assault the cavaliers in their march from Kingston into the county 
of Kent, and to oppose them in their further invading the county of 

This bridge, at each end, was fortified with ordnance and musqueteers 
to defend it from the enemy, who, at that time, had miserably plundered 
Kingston and some adjacent villages thereunto, and now, being full of 
the pillage of the towns of Brentford, Kingston, and other places, and 
not daring to attempt further, they were retiring towards Maidenhead, 
and from thence to Reading and Oxford, the seat of the court, and the 
rendezvous of the malignant army during the war. 

The parliament (as they had just cause so to do) did, on this, publish 
a declaration, to testify to the world the carriage of the matter at Brent- 
ford, in the time of a treaty for the peace of the kingdom, to the end 
that all men, discerning how far they had been deceived with fair shows 
and bare pretences, might now, at last, stand upon their own defence, 
and their strongest guard, and to associate themselves together to defend 
and preserve their religion, laws, and liberty of parliament and king- 
dom ; yea, themselres, their wives, and children from rapine and ruin, 
who were all concerned in the comnvon danger now round about them ; 
on this the counties of this kingdom did begin, by degrees, to associate 

The King having, after this, made another motion for peace, and the 
parliament having made a fair answer to it ; upon some new counsels, 
his majesty was so impatient as to reply : 

That he looked on the parliament's answer, as penned by a malignant 
party in both houses, whose safety is built upon the ruin of this nation, 
who have chaced his majesty, his peers, and commons from the parlia- 
ment; the truth whereof, he said, might appear by the small number 
left; and, moreover, that they had raised an army to take away his 
life, and the life of his children, and that these rebels are now come to 
London ; and, since they cannot snatch the crown from his head, they 
would invite him, tamely, to come up, and to lay it down. And, for the 
expressions of that accident at Brentford, his majesty hoped (if it be 
permitted by them to be published) that his declaration would satisfy 
his people. 

The parliament, upon consideration of this, being compelled to look 
unto themselves, did resolve to forbear all further treaties, and gave order to 
his excellency, forthwith to advance with his army; and the rather, be- 
cause, they understood, by an intercepted letter, sent unto Sir Edward 
Nicholas, that many experienced commanders, and, with them, great 
provision of money, arms, and ammunition, were designed, from Holland, 
to land at Newcastle, for the service of the King, and the advancement 
of this unnatural war. 

This did set so sharp an edge on the affections of the city, that, where- 
as the Parliament did desire them to assist them with a loan of thirty- 
thousand pounds, to pay the army, they cheerfully subscribed to pay in 
threescore-thousand pounds, and would have made it a far greater sum, 
to further the lord general, the Earl of Essex, to proceed with his army 


to rescue his majesty from the hands of those, who detained him from 
his people and his parliament. 

But the winter did now grow heavy, and immoderate showers of rain 
had so corrupted the ground, that the body of foot could not march , nor the 
train of artillery move ; therefore, the lord general was inforced to continue 
in his winter quarters, at Windsor, until the spring ; howsoever, our horse 
did excellent service in the west, under the command of Sir Wm. Waller, 
and the right honourable the Lord Fairfax, and his renowned son, Sir 
Thomas Fairfax, atchieved many glorious victories in the north, of which 
it is not so proper, in this place, to deliver the story, it being the task of 
this pen to express only those particular services, in which his excellency 
was personally present. 

The spring now coming on, his excellency, about the middle of April, 
did quit his winter quarters, and advanced towards Oxford ; he seemed 
to pass by Reading, to render that garrison more secure, and that, the 
chiefest strength being gone where the chiefest danger did appear, he might 
take Reading with the more ease and speed ; having therefore, wheeled 
about, he unexpectedly came and sat down before Reading, and sent his 
trumpeter to the governor to surrender that town unto him, for the ser- 
vice of the King and parliament. Colonel Ashton, who was governor 
of it, returned a stubborn answer, that he would either keep the town or 
starve and die in it. Thereupon his excellency, taking compassion of 
the women and children, which were ta undergo the common danger, 
he sent unto the governor, that they might be suffered to come forth, but 
this also was refused by the colonel. 

Hereupon our soldiers began to intrench themselves, and daily to 
make their approaches nearer and nearer to the town; his excellency in- 
camped on the west-part thereof betwixt Reading and Oxford, to hinder, 
any relief that might come from Oxford to it. The enemy had many 
strong out- works, which were defended also by some main bulwarks; 
from those they continually plied us with their great and small shot, 
who were not remiss to answer them with advantage. They *had in 
the garrison three thousand soldiers besides townsmen, many pieces of 
ordnance, and great store of provision and ammunition. The enemy 
had strongly fortified Causham hill which commands the whole town ; 
from this place, by fine force, they were beaten and driven into their 
works nearer unto the town. This hill being gained, we instantly raised 
our batteries on it, which murh annoyed the enemy, and, by this 
im-ans, we got the opportunity with the greater safety, to make our ap- 
proaches nearer unto their works, and in many places within less than half 
amusquet-shot; hereupon the enemy endeavoured to make some sallies, 
but they were always beaten in with loss. They had planted some ord- 
nance in a steeple, believing that from that height they might play upon 
our men with more advantage; but our cannon were levelled against it 
with such dexterity, that both the cannoniers and cannon were quickly 
burii'd under the ruins of the steeple. After this, the enemies would 
not adventure themselves on towers, but kept for the most part in places 
inore secure, our ordnance perpetually beating down the houses, and 
Colonel Aihton, the governor, being sorely wounded in the head, by the. 
tall of brrcks from a battered chimney, which made him the more will* 


ing to offer the surrender of the town to my lord general, if his soldiers 
might have the honour to march away with bag and baggage; but his ex- 
cellency did send him word, that he came for men, and not for the 
town only. 

Whilst this was in agitation, intelligence was received that the King, 
Prince Rupert, and Prince Maurice were on their advance towards Read- 
ing, for the relief of the town ; whereupon his Excellency did send out 
a strong party of horse and dragoons under the command of Colonel 
Middleton and Colonel Milles, who did beat up the enemies quarters at 
Dorchester, about seven miles from Oxford, and routed and surprised 
many of the King's horse, and a regiment of foot under the command of 
Lieutenant Colonel Vavasor, who was taken prisoner at Kinton, and af- 
terwards released ; he was absent in this service, but his captain lieute- 
nant was taken prisoner. The King's standard was again in danger, and 
about one hundred and forty gallant horse were taken. Howsoever, the 
King continued his resolution for the raising of the siege at Reading, 
and, being advanced to Wa^ingford, he marched from thence towards 
Reading, with about nine regiments of horse, and nine regiments of foot, 
and twelve pieces of ordnance. His regiments of foot were but thin 
and empty. His excellency understanding of the approach of this army, 
and that his majesty himself and .the two German princes were there in 
person, he commanded, that two regiments should be drawn forth to op- 
pose them, which were the regiments of the Lord Roberts, and the regi- 
ment of Colonel Barcley ; although the King's whole body of infantry 
were near, he only sent two regiments of his, thegreen and the red, to en- 
counter these two regiments. 

The fight was fiercely begun about Causham bridge, and on both sides 
excellent demonstrations of valour and resolution were expressed ; at the 
first charge the Lord Roberts was absent from his regiment, but, hearing 
that they were engaged with the enemy, he did ride up with all speed 
unto them, and by his courage and example did admirably serve to 
expedite and increase the victory; after less than half an hour's fight, the 
enemy began to give ground, arid leave many of their men behind them, 
and about three hundred arms; their horse also, which came down the 
hill to assist their foot, were gallantly repulsed, and forced to retrea,t to 
the hill from whence they came. There were about one hundred of the 
enemy slain upon the place, amongst whom Serjeant-major Smith was 
one, whose pockets being searched, there was found good store of gold. 
The number which were said to be slain, on our side, are so few, that I 
am afraid to name them, lest (being too short in my account) I should 
be accused to dissemble with the truth. I dare not grow too bold on the 
common report ; there is, undoubtedly, a moderation with judgment to 
be used by all those who undertake to deliver to posterity the actions of 
theii own, or foregoing times, which, whosoever, either through faction 
or affection, shall wilfully transgress, shall lose the grace of atrue histo- 
rian, and the reputation of an honest man. 

The enemy being thus beaten in the field, and retreated unto Walling- 
ford, his excellency, the Earl of Essex, did proceed in the treaty with the 
governor of Reading, for the surrender of the town. Colonel Bolles, 
Lieutenant Colonel Thelwell, and Serjeant-major Gilby were sent forth 



to treat on the articles for the surrender of it, and the Lord Rochford, 
Lieutenant Colonel Russel, and Serjeant-major King were sent in as hos- 
tages for their safe return. It was desired, in the town, that some might 
*o to the King's army, to acquaint thecommanderin chief with the terms. 
This was granted, and, upon, the return, his excellency received a letter 
from Prince Rupert, and not long after it was concluded on, that the 
town of Reading should be surrendered on these conditions : 

I. Tint the enemy should march away with arms and ammunition, 
with colours flying, bag and baggage. 

II. That those persons, who are not inhabitants, should have liberty 
to go away with their goods, except such as had been of the army of the 

III. That those goods be excepted from the baggage of the soldiers 
which had been taken from those who were friends to the parliament, and 
from the western carders. 

IV. That they should have liberty to mareh to Wallingford,or Oxford, 
without any molestation from our forces, provided they offer no assault 
to arty in the way. 

V. That they shall carry but four pieces of ordnance, and the town 
not to be plundered either by them or by the forces of the parliament. 

VI. That four and twenty hours be allowed them for the performance 
of their articles, and that they give up their outworks immediately, 
and three persons of quality as pledges for the faithful performance of 
these articles. 

Not long after this it pleased Almighty God, to visit the array of the 
parliament with sickness, by which many of our young men perished, 
and the rest by reason of their weakness were disabled from doing any 
great service in the field. His excellency omitted nothing that might 
give redress unto them. Physick, and whatever else was thought expe- 
dient, was sent from London, and care was taken, both for money and 
cloaths for the soldiers ; and, to make our condition yet worse, Sir Wil- 
liam Waller had received some loss not far from Bristol, and the Marquis 
of Newcastle was grown very powerful in the north. In the mean time, 
the King, having possessed himself of Bristol, was marching up to London 
with a puissant army; in his way he summoned Gloucester, unwilling 
to leave any town behind to continue in the power of the parliament, 
and, Bristol being taken, disdained to sit down before a town and not 
to carry it ; but the courage of the gallant governor, Col. Massey, was so 
remarkable, that he not only did put a stop to the furious march of the 
King, who, having gained Gloucester, would have forthwith advanced to 
London, but, by holding him in play, he gave an opportunity to his 
excellency to recruit his army, and, under God, was a principal instru- 
ment of the safety of this kingdom. 

In extraordinary necessities, we do use extraordinary expedients ; the, 
trained-bands of the city of London, who, before, were never known to 
make so long a march out of the city, did now readily consent to lend 
their best assistance, and, to their eternal honour, prefering the publick, 


before their private good, they resolved to adventure their own lives, to 
preserve the city, state, and kingdom. 

In this resolution they met his excellency on Hounslow-Heath, who 
being right glad to see them, he thanked them for their love, and ap- 
plauded them for their courage, and uniting the armies both into one, he 
forthwith marched to thereliefof Gloucester, which, at that time, did 
much need the assistance of so brave an army. The King's forces, 
with great violence, did prosecute the siege, which continued from the 
tenth of August, to the fifth of September, on which day, the enemy 
hearing of the approach of his excellency, did begin to send away their 
carriages, and their foot and horse did march after them, and the besieg- 
ed (it being a day set a-part for a publick fast) did turn it into a 
day of joy, and paid unto God their humble thanks, for so gracious a 

We have not the liberty to give unto you the discourse of this siege at 
large, because it doth not so properly belong unto this subject: it may 
suffice, that, as it was raised by the prowess of the most noble the Earl of 
Essex, so it was most resolutely sustained by the valour, industry and 
dexterity of the heroick governor, Colonel Massey, who contrived all 
stratagems, and occasioned all the sallies, for the ruin of his enemy, 
and the protection of the city. 

The city of Gloucester being thus bravely relieved, and the siege raised, 
his excellency, the Earl of Essex, did prepare to follow the enemy, who 
always fled before him, and refused to stand to the hazard of a battle. 
The earl perceiving that the main intent of the enemy was to cut off all 
provision from his army, he made a bridge over the river of Severn, as 
if he would march to Worcester, to amuse the enemy, and to cause 
them to draw part of their forces that way, which accordingly they did ; 
and, on a sudden, he wheeled about another way, and marched to Tewks- 
bury, and from thence to Cirencester, where he found two r< giments of 
the King's horse, which were but newly entered into the service. In 
one of their standards, the invention was the effigies of the parliament- 
house, with two traytors heads fixed on two poles on the top thereof; the 
inscription was this, Sicut extra sicintus; which is, as without, so within. 
The indignity whereof left such a just impressicnof disdain in the breasts 
of the parliament, that it was voted, that the contriver of this ignomini- 
ous invention should be strictly searched out, and, being known, that 
he should be for ever banished the kingdom, as being unworthy to live 
in the English air. This good service was performed about two of the 
clock in the morning, the enemy, for the most part, being taken prisoners 
in their beds, and their horses feeding in the stables : there was also a 
magazine of victuals seized on, which was a welcome booty to our 
soldiers. There were taken, in all, four-hundred prisoners, and as many 

From hence his excellence marched into Wiltshire, and, being advanc- 
ed towards Auburn-hills, he had a sight of his majesty's horse, which 
appeared in several great bodies, and were so marshalled to charge our 
army of foot, being then on their march in several divisions ; which 
caused our foot to unite themselves into one gross, our horse perpetually 
skirmishing with them, to keep them off from the foot. In the mean 



time, the dragoons on both sides gave fire in full bodies on one another, 
on the side of the hill, that the woods above, and the vallies below, did 
eccho with the thunder of the charge. There were about fourscore slain 
upon the place, and more than as many more were sorely wounded. 

Our horse also made a great impression upon the queen's regiment 
of horse, and charged them again and again, and cut in pieces many of 
her life-guard. In this service, the Marquis of Vivile was taken pri* 
soner : it seems he would hot be known who he was; but endeavouring 
to rescue himself from a lieutenant that took him prisoner, and there- 
upon, having .his head almost cloven asunder with a pole-ax, he ac- 
knowledged himself, in the last words he spoke, which were, Vous voyez 
vn grand Marquis mourant; that is, you see a great marquis dying. 
His dead body was carried to Hungerford, by the lord general's com- 
mand. It had not been long there, but the King did send a trumpet to 
his excellency, conceiving that the marquis had been wounded only, 
and taken prisoner, and desired that his chirurgeons and doctors might 
have free access unto him for his recovery. His excellency certified 
the trumpet that he was dead, and returned his body to the King, to 
receive those funeral rites as his majesty would give it. Some say, 
that his body was ransomed for three-hundred pieces of gold. 

His excellency being come to Hungerford, the army of his majesty, 
which was more numerous in horse, had go,t before him, and was ad- 
vanced towards Newbury, and sweeping the country before them, had 
left it destitute of provision, insomuch that, his excellency finding little 
or nothing at Hungerford, to satisfy the necessity of his army, he was 
forced to march away that night towards Newbury, to which place 
(although it is but seven miles distance) it was the next day before he 
came; when he was within two miles of it, he did understand, by his 
scouts, that the whole army of the King were at hand, and that they 
had not only possessed themselves of Newbury, but that they had made 
themselves masters of all advantages that could be desired, for the dis- 
posing of the battle. 

Their main body did stand in a large plain, and were resolute and 
ready to receive our forces, which in the van, were to pass through a 
lane unto them, in which but six men could march on breast. 

Besides, by this means, our foot were deprived in those places of the 
succours of our horse, and our cannon was made unprofitable. Nei- 
ther was this all, for our army was also in great danger to be charged 
in the rear; and therefore, the most worthy Major Skippon was called 
off from the front, to provide a valiant remedy against all dangers that 
should invade the rear. All that night our army lay in the fields, im- 
patient of the sloth of darkness, and wishing for the morning's light, to 
exercise their valour; and the rather, because the King had^ent a 
challenge over night to the lord general, to give him battle the next 
mng. A great part of the enemy's army continued also in the field, 
^capable of sleep, their enemy being so nigh ; and, sometimes looking 

the ground, they thought upon the melancholy element of which they 
were composed, and to which they must return; and sometimes look, 
ing up, they observed the silent marches of the stars, and the movine 
scene of heaven, 


The day no sooner did appear, but they were marshalled into order, 
and advanced to the brow of the hill ; and not long after, the ordnance 
was planted, and the whole body of their horse and foot stood in batta- 
lia. The officers and commanders of their foot did many of them leave 
off their doublets, and, with daring resolution, did bring on their men ; 
and, as if they came rather to triumph than to fight, they, in their 
shirts, did lead them up to the battle. 

The first that gave the charge, was the most noble Lord Roberts, 
whose actions speak him higher than our epithets. He performed it 
with great resolution, and, by his own example, shewed excellent de- 
monstrations of valour to his regiment : the cavalry of the enemy per- 
formed also their charge most bravely, and gave in with a mighty im- 
pression upon him. A prepared body of our army made haste to re- 
lieve him. Upon this, two regiments of the King's horse, with a fierce 
charge, saluted the blue regiment of the London trained-bands, who 
gallantly discharged upon them, and did beat them back; but they, 
being no whit daunted at it, wheeled about, and on a sudden charged 
them ; our musqueteers did again discharge, and that with so much vio- 
lence and success, that they sent them now, not wheeling, but reeling 
from them ; and yet, for all that, they made a third assault, and coming 
in full squadrons, they did the utmost of their endeavour to break 
through our ranks ; but a cloud of bullets came at once so thick from, 
our musquets, and made such a havock amongst them, both of men and 
horse, that, in a fear, full of confused speed, they did fly before us, and 
did no more adventure upon so warm a service. 

In the mean time, Sir Philip Stapleton performed excellent service 
with the lord general's regiment of horse, and five times together did 
charge the enemy : but, above all, the renown and glory of this day i 
most justly due unto the resolution and conduct of our general ; for, 
before the battle was begun, he did ride from one regiment to another, 
and did inflame them with courage, and perceiving in them all an eager 
desire to battle with their enemies, he collected to himself a sure pre- 
sage of victory to come. I have heard, that when, in the heat and tem- 
pest of the fight, some friends of his did advise him to leave off his white 
hat, because it rendered him an object too remarkable to the enemy : 
No, replied the earl, it is not the hat, but the heart, the hat is not capa- 
ble either of fear or honour. He, himself, being foremost in person, did 
lead up the city regiment, and when a vast body of the enemy's horse 
had given so violent a charge, that they had broken quite through it, he 
quickly rallied his men together, and, with undaunted courage, did lead 
them up the hill. In his way he did beat the infantry of the King from 
hedge to hedge, and did so scatter them, that hardly any of the enemy's 
foot appeared at that present to him, to keep together in a body. 
After six hours long fight, with the assistance of his horse, he gained 
those advantages which the enemy possessed in the morning, which were 
the hill, the hedges, and the river. 

In the mean time, a party of the enemy's horse, in a great body, 
wheeled about, and about three quarters of a mile below the hill, they 
did fall upon the rear of our army, where our carriages were placed. 
To relieve which, his excellency sent a selected party from the hill to 


assist their friends, who were deeply engaged in the fight. These forces, 
marching down the hill, did meet a regiment of horse of the enemy's, 
who, in th>'ir hats, had branches of furz and broom, which our army 
did that day wear, for distinction-sake, to be known by one another 
from their adversaries, and they cried out to our men, Friends, Friends; 
but, they being discovered to be enemies, our men gave fire upon them, 
and having some horse to second the execution, they did force them 
farther from them : our men being now marched to the bottom of the 
hill, they increased the courage of their friends, and, after a sharp con- 
flict, they forced the King's horse to fly with remarkable loss, having 
left the ground strewed with the carcases of their horses and riders. 

In the mean time, his excellency, having now planted his ordnance 
on the top of the hill, did thunder against the enemy, where he found 
their numbers to be thickest ; and the King's ordnance (being yet on 
the same hill) did play with the like fury against the forces of his excel- 
lency : the cannon on each side did dispute with one another, as if the 
battle was but new begun. The trained-bands of the city of London 
endured the chiefest heat of the day, and had the honour to win it; for 
being now upon the brow of the hill, they lay not only open to the 
horse, but the cannon of the enemy ; yet they stood undaunted, and 
conquerors against all ; and, like a grove of pines in a day of wind and 
tempest, they only moved their heads or arms, but kept their footing 
sure, unless, by an improvement of honour, they advanced forward, to 
pursue their advantage on their enemies. 

Although the night did now draw on, yet neither of the armies did 
draw off : the enemy's horse, in a great body, did stand on the furthest 
side of the hill, and the broken remainders of their foot, behind them, 
and having made some pillage, about the middle of the night, they 
drew off their ordnance, and retreated unto Newbury: on the next 
morning, his excellency, being absolute master of the field, did marshal 
again his soldiers into order to receive the enemy, if he had any stomach 
to the field, and to that purpose discharged a piece of ordnance, but no 
enemy appearing, he inarched towards Reading. 

The loss which the King's forces received, in this memorable battle, 
is remarkable, for besides the multitudes that were carried away in 
carts, there were divers found, that were buried in pits and ditches. 
There were many personages of note and honour slain, as the Earl of 
Carnarvan, the Earl of Sunderland, the Lord of Faulkland, more famous 
for his pen, than for his sword, Colonel Morgan, Lieutenant Colonel 
Fielding, Mr. Strode, and others : there were hurt the Lord Andover, 
Sir Charles Lucas, Colonel Charles Gerrard, Colonel Eevers, the Earl 
of Carl isle, the Earl of Peterborough, Lieutenant Colonel George Lisle, 
Sir John Russel, Mr. Edward Sackvile, Mr. Henry Howard, Mr. 
George Porter, Mr. Progers, Colonel Darcy, Lieutenant Colonel Edward 
Villars, with many more of note and eminence whose names are un- 
known unto us. 

On the parliament side, there were slain, Colonel Tucker, Captain 
George Massey, and Captain Hunt, and not any more of quality, that I 
can learn; but before his excellency advanced towards London, he did 
direct his ticket to Mr. Fulke, minister of the parish of Enbqrn, ad. 


joining unto Newbury, and to the constables thereof, giving them strict 
command to bury the dead, which followeth in these words: 

THESE are to will and require, and straightly charge and command 
you, forthwith, upon sight hereof, to bury all the dead bodies, lying in, 
and about Enburn and Newbury- wash, as you, or any of you, will 
answer the contrary, at your utmost perils. 

Dated, September 21, 

1643. ESSEX. 

His majesty having understood the pious care of his excellency, for 
the burial of the dead, on both sides, he issued out his warrant to the 
Mayor of Newbury, for the recovery of the wounded that were taken 
prisoners on our side, which we have here inserted : 

OUR will and command is, that you forthwith send into the towns 
and villages adjacent, and bring thence, all the sick and hurt soldiers of 
the Earl of Essex's army, and although they be rebels, and deserve the 
punishment of traytors; yet out of our tender compassion upon them, 
being our subjects, our will and pleasure is, thdt you carefully provide 
for their recovery, as well as for those of our own army, and then to 
send them unto Oxford. 

His excellency's forces had not marched above three or four miles 
from Newbury, but they perceived, that a strong party of the enemy 
made haste to follow them, who were commanded by the Earl of 
Northampton, and the Lord Wilmot ; Prince Rupert was also there in 
person; they took our forces, upon a great advantage in a narrow lane, 
expecting no enemy so near at hand. Our London brigade marched in 
the rear, and there was a forlorn hope of six-hundred musqueteers, that 
marched in the rear of them : but our horse, that brought up our rear, 
perceiving so strong a body of horse and foot so near at hand, and con- 
ceiving themselves not able to oppose them, in great confusion and dis- 
order, they made their way through our own foot, and trampled on many 
of them, in that height of fear, under their horses feet. Howsoever, 
although this confusion of our horse did put our foot into some disorder, 
yet remembering the gallant service performed by them, the day before, 
and not willing now to lose their honour, which they knew was gained 
by fighting, and not by flying, they made a stand, and discharged ten 
drakes at the enemy, who with great fury did assault them, with their 
cavalry, and had lined the hedges with their foot. The lane on our 
rear was so crouded with the enemy, that the execution which the 
drakes performed was very violent, for it did beat down both horso and 
man, and in the midst of the lane made a new lane amongst them. The 
fall of these men was the rise of the. courage of their companions, and 
thereupon adding fury to their valour, and desperateness to their fury, 
they adventured on the mouth of our ordnance, and on the jaws of 
death, and became masters of two of our drakes. In the mean time, a 
selected party of our foot were drawn out of the lane, into a field, 


where, on the second charge (so hot was the service) they forced the 
enemy's foot, who lined the^hedges, to betake themselves unto their heels, 
and through the hedges, so gauled the enemy with the shot, that about 
one hundred of them lost their lives upon the place, and the rest did fly 
for their safety, and were well content to leave the prize, which they had 
taken, and the purchase of our two drakes behind them. . It is most 
certain, and the papers printed at Oxford do confirm jt, that Prince 
Rupert, in this last service, had three horses shot under him ; peradven- 
ture he was one of thus", who in the vanity of their morning mirth, did 
boast at Newbury, that although the roundheads were marching unto 
Reading, they would make calves of many of them, before they came 
unto the Veal. 

The enemy in this manner being beaten back, the forces of the parlia- 
ment, who had expressed themselves to be gallant men, had afterwards 
an unmolested march unto the Veal, and the next day to Reading, where 
having reposed themselves for a few days, they marched in triumph 
unto London, their companies so full, that it hardly could be discerned, 
where any were missing ; with a general consent, they declared their 
chearful resolution, that whensoever his excellency, their heroick 
general, should command their service, they would most readily advance 
with him, and esteem it their greatest happiness, to partake with him in 
the honour of his dangers ; the lord mayor and the aldermen of the city 
did meet the trained bands at Temple-bar, and entertained them with 
great joy, and they had many thousand welcomes from the people, as 
they passed in martial order through the streets. His excellency also 
[being come to London] had solemn thanks returned him by the parlia- 
ment for his faithful unwearied services for the state and kingdom ; and 
now, the winter coming on, he had the leisure for a while to refresh 
himself, and to make new provisions for war against the ensuing spring, 
to reduce peace unto the kingdom, and the King unto his parliament, 
and Oxford and the malignant garisons in the west, to the obedience of 
both ; and this groat work must ask some time, for the preparations 
of it. 

Therefore on Monday, May the 13th, he sent his carriages from Lon- 
don, his soldiers were marched away before, and on Tuesday May the 
14th, very early in the morning, he followed after them, towards Ox- 
ford. The gallant commander Sir William Waller advanced with him, 
but at some distance to ease the countries, through which they marched f 
and great care was taken to punish all disorders in his soldiers, as may 
appear by this his proclamation: 

ROBERT, Earl of Essex, Captain General of the Army, employed for 
the Defence of the Protestant Religion, King, Parliament, and King- 

WHEREAS these countries have been very much afflicted and op- 
pressed by the enemy, and we are now come to relieve them of their 
hard bondage : it is therefore my express will and pleasure, and 1 do 
hereby straightly charge and command all officers, and soldiers, of 


horse, foot, and dragoons, belonging to the army, under my command, 
that they, and every of them, due forthwith, after proclamation hereof 
made, forbear (notwithstanding any pretence whatsoever) to plunder or 
spoil any of the goods of the inhabitants of these countries, or to offer 
any violence, or other prejudice unto them, upon pain of death, without 

Given under my hand and seal. 



His excellency being now in the field, with a resolution to encounter 
with the King's armies, wheresoever he could meet them, he received 
intelligence, that the Earl of Forth, and the Lord Hopton, had made a 
late muster of them upon Wantage Downs. There is no where to be 
found a fairer place for two armies, to try the justice of their cause by 
battle : But they, hearing that the Earl of Essex was advancing towards 
them, retired towards Abingdon; his excellency did send a party after 
them, of three-thousand horse and foot, which were commanded by the 
Field -Marshal, the most noble Lord Roberts, and by Sir Philip Staple- 
ton lieutenant general of the horse, who advanced towards them, with 
so much resolution, that in some disorder they abandoned the town, 
which was immediately entered by the Lord Roberts, his excellency, 
with the main body of the army, following after, and intending to take 
up his quarters in that town himself. 

The enemy, at their departure, had drawn off their artillery, and took 
with them their magazine, which they did send to Oxford, but a great 
body of their army, consisting of five-thousand horse and foot, and com- 
manded by the Lord Hopton, did march by Oxford unto Islip, which is 
in the way to Worcester, and there they took up quarters for one night; 
but Captain Temple, who was sent from Newport-pagnel with some 
troops of horse to discover only, and not to charge the enemy, being in 
the height of his youth, and full of the gallant fire of courage, and finding 
withal so fit an opportunity, he resolved to beat up the enemy's quarters; 
which he performed with so much resolution and success, that he took 
fifty brave horses, eighteen prisoners, whereof one was a knight, eight 
packs of kersey, which came from Exeter, and 1501. in ready money, and 
gave such an alarm to the enemy, that they fled from Islip to Oxford, 
crying out, Essex was at their heels; which did strike such a terror into 
them at Oxford, that they did shut the gates of the city, and fora while 
(until better information was received) they would not suffer Colonel 
Aston's own troop to enter, which was one of the three troops which, 
ibis gallant captain did so bravely rouse in their quarters at Islip. 

Not long after, the Earl of Essex, having first rode round about the city of 
Oxford, and taken a perfect view of it, did sit down before it, with so 
powerful an army, that his Majesty on Monday, June the third, about 
twelve of the clock at night, did take horse, attended with certain troops 
who carried some foot mounted behind them : There followed him. 
thirty coaches of ladies, who, conceiving that Oxford would be besieged,, 
were unwilling to endure the fury of the siege, and therefore the danger. 


being manifest, and our armies almost round about them, in great tumult 
and disorder they hurried away, leaving behind them many costly 
moveables, which afterwards became a rich booty to their unfaithful 

The King being gone, immediately the intelligence thereof was brought 
unto his Excellency, and the active and vigilant Sir William Waller was 
desired to attend him, who being come to Whitney, with his forces, 
which is but five miles from Burford, where the King then was, his Ma- 
jesty's scouts came galloping in, and brought the sad news that our 
forces were at hand : On this, in a great fright, they all cried out, To 
horse, to horse; and the King, with his sword drawn, did ride about 
the town, to hasten his men away. 

About a day or two after, his Majesty's forces, in a flying march, did 
come to Parshaw bridge, which they pulled up, and (necessity being the 
mother of invention) they laid loose boards upon stones, for a party of 
their forces then behind to pass over: which being done, they intended 
to take the boards away, to hinder the passage of Sir William Waller's 
forces that were in their pursuit ; but, this party being come to the 
bridge, and hastily passing over it, the loose boards did slip from 
the stones, and they who were upon the bridge did fall into the river, and 
were drowned: The valiant Sir William Waller did lose no time to 
overtake the forces of the King: And his Excellency well knowing 
what a considerable and sufficient strength he had to prosecute the pur- 
suit, and believing that Colonel Massey would join his forces with him, 
he resolved to march westward, and, with what speed he could, to send 
relief to the distressed town of Lyme; but, before the forces intended 
could arrive, Prince Maurice was gone, and the siege raised by our re- 
nowned Lord Admiral, the Right Honourable the Earl of Warwick. 

This town being thus seasonably relieved (where the besieged, both 
male and female, and of all ages shewed incomparable examples of 
fortitude and patience, to the wonder of their adversaries, and of gene- 
rations to come) the Lord Admiral did advertise his Excellency, that, 
for the more speedy reducing of the west, he would be assistant to him, 
and to that purpose, that, as he moved by land, he would sail by sea, to 
attend him in his marches. The town of Weymouth, a Haven-town, 
was summoned, which, understanding that his excellency the Earl of 
Essex was coming before it by land, and the Ixml Admiral by sea, it 
presently did submit unto the noble Sir William Bdfore, who did sum- 
mon it for his Excellency, upon conditions, that the commanders and 
officers should go away on horse-back, with their swords and pistols, 
and the common soldiers only with staves in their hands : There were 
taken in the town twenty-seven pieces of ordnance, fifty pieces lying in 
the harbour, and all the ships in it, and near unto it, and above an 
hundred barrels of powder, besides much arms and ammunition. 

His excellency being now come into the center of the west, the coun- 
tries round about did come in unto him, and the garisons did surrender at 
the first sound of his trumpet; they opened their gates to entertain his 
army, and they opened their hearts to, entertain himself. There came 
unto him at Chard, within the circuit of twelve miles, at least four-thou- 
sand men, who were all in one meadow drawn into ranks and files, 
wuere his excellency came in person to welcome them, and the Lord 


Roberts, Lord Marshal of the Field, made them an excellent speech, 
which they received with loud and repeated acclamations, offering to 
live and die, in the cause of the Parliament, as their friends at Dorchester 
did before them. 

Much about the same time, his excellency having understood that 
Prince Maurice had drawn a great part of the garison from Barnstable, 
and the inhabitants being confident of his assistance and approach, the 
other part of the garison being marched forth upon some plundering 
design, they resisted them upon their return, and would not grant admit- 
tance to them; and a party of horse commanded by the Lord Roberts, 
and Sir Philip Stapleton, came so opportunely to their aid, that they 
chaced them from that garison, and, being received themselves with 
great joy, they became absolute masters of it for the Parliament. 

Not long after, the most noble the Lord Roberts was designed by his 
Excellency to march into Cornwall, which did so encourage the garison 
of Plymouth, that they did put, on a gallant resolution to make a sally 
forth ; which they so well performed, that, about seven miles from Ply- 
mouth, they did beat up a quarter of their enemies, and took forty-four 
horse, with their riders; and although that Sir Richard Greenvile did 
attempt to rescue them, with a considerable strength, he was beaten off, 
and forced to fly in great disorder, with the loss of divers of his ablest men. 
In this service two of the chiefest commanders of the enemy were slain, 
and Colonel Digby, brother to George Lord Digby, was wounded in 
the face, and Greenvile himself, who before had lost his honour, was so 
close put to it, that he was in apparent danger of the loss of his life. 

The conclusion of one victory was the beginning of another; for this 
gallant service was no sooner alchieved, but his excellency understood the 
glad tidings of the taking of Taunton Castle, by the forces which he sent 
thither, under the command of Sir Robert Pye, and Colonel Blake. 
This was a castle-town, and of great strength and great concernment, as 
in the year following the enemies proved to their cost, who, with a mighty 
power, did lie long before it, but were never able to take it, either by 
force, or by persuasion. In it they found four iron pieces, six murther- 
*rs, great store of arms, of ammunition, and provision. 

His excellency was now on his march towards Plymouth, which his 
enemies no sooner understood, but, though they were at least three thou- 
sand strong, they presently abandoned their holds, and retreated into 
Cornwall. By this mean? his excellency possessed himself of Mount- 
Stamford, Plimpton, Salt-Ash, and divers other small garisons, with 
their ordnance, which, by reason of the strength of their fear, and the 
apprehension of their sudden danger, they were not able to draw off. 
From these places adjoining unto Plymouth, his excellency advanced 
towards Tavistock: Here Sir Richard Greenvile's house was stormed, 
the enemy, in vain, hanging out a white flag, and desiring parley ; quarter 
for life was granted to all, the Irish excepted. In this house were taken 
two pieces of cannon, eight hundred arms and more, a great quantity of 
rich furniture, and three-thousand pounds in money and in plate. Sir 
Richard Greenvile was not here in person ; he was retired to Newbridge, 
which is a passage into Cornwall, which he strongly guarded, but the 
forces of his excellency, after some dispute, did beat him from it, hav- 


ing slain about an hundred and fifty of the enemy, and taken many pri- 
soners, and become masters of that passage : Lanceston at the first ap- 
proach of his excellency did submit itself unto his mercy : From New- 
bridfe Sir Richard Greenvile retreated, or rather fled to Horsebridge, 
but the right valiant the Lord Roberts did pursue him with his brigade, 
and forced his passage over the bridge; and, about Lestuthiel, overtook 
him, and encountered with him: He found his forces to be stronger 
than fame had at the first reported them. But valour regards not 
numbers, for he charged on them with such dexterity, judgment, suc- 
cess, and resolution, that he covered the place with the carcases of hi* 
enemies, and took about one hundred and fifty of them prisoners, Im- 
mediately upon this, Bodwin, Tadcaster, and Foy did stoop unto his 
excellency, and that with such willing humility, that they seemed 
rather to honour and embrace than to fear their conqueror: a conqueror 
he was, who overcame his enemies as much by his goodness as his great- 
ness, and obliged them rather by his humanity than his power. 

His majesty understanding that his excellency, with his army, was 
advanced into Cornwall, he was resolved to march after him, for he 
found that his array did daily increase in number, the presence of a 
prince, by a secret attraction, always prevailing on the affections of the 
people; whereupon his excellency did write unto the Parliament, that 
a considerable party might be sent unto him, to charge the rear of his 
Majesty's army, whilst he did fall upon the van, which might prove a 
speedy and a happy means for the securing of the King's person, arid for 
the concluding of the war. He advertised them, that he found the peo- 
ple to be a wild and disproportioned body of several and uncertain 
heads, and uncertain hearts, and that they were apt to profane in the 
evening, what with so much zeal and joy they received in the morning. 
He desired that money might be sent unto him, to encourage his soldiers, 
and to confirm the people. 

But his majesty, although he was marched up after his excellency, 
and was now about Exeter, was forced to send for provisions for his 
army into Somersetshire, of which Lieutenant-General Middleton hav- 
ing received intelligence, he valiantly encountered their convoy, and 
took many of their horse, and seized on many of their carriages. 

Not long after he encountered with Sir Francis Dorrington's and Sir 
"William Courtney's forces, which consisted of a considerable body of 
horse and dragoons, and, although the dragoons had lined the hedges, he 
did beat them from them, and, with great resolution charging the horse, 
at the first encounter he did rout them, and pursued the victory 
almost as far as the town of Bridgewater. In this service he took some 
commanders prisoners, divers troopers, and fourscore horse. Much 
about the same time, a pernicious design of the enemy, to blow up his 
excellency's train of artillery, was wonderfully discovered and prevented. 

His excellency, with a labouring expectation, did attend the supplies 
of men and money to be sent unto him. The armies of the King, and 
of his excellency, were now drawn near,Jand daily facing one another. 
A party of the enemy, consisting of about three-hundred horse, had one 
morning cast themselves into three divisions, and, advancing near his 
excellency's quarters, did dare our men to an encounter: the gallant 
young gentleman Major Archibald Straughan, not able to endure the 


indignity, desired of his excellency, that he might have leave to charge 
them, but with one hundred horse. His excellency applauding his cou- 
rage did easily condescend unto it. 

He received the first impression of the enemy without stirring from the 
place whereon he stood, and not firing on the enemy, until they came 
breast unto breast, hemadesucha havock amongst them, that many ot 
them were observed to fall to the ground together, and the rest began to 
fly. Encouraged with this success, he charged the second division, and 
that with so much fury, that they began to fly in great confusion, not 
able to endure the shock and tempest of the charge. 

After this he charged the third division, and having his men well 
armed, their pistols being all before discharged, they did now full in pejl- 
mell upon them with their swords, and did soon force them, by an igno- 
minous speed, to fly to the main body of their army for their protection. 
The King himself was then in person in the field, and was a sad beholder 
of this slaughter, and disorder of his men. 

For this brave service his excellency rewarded this victorious Major, 
who was a gentleman of Scotland, with many thanks, and appellations 
of honour, and with a gallant horse, esteemed to be worth one hundred 

His excellency having a long time waited for the supplies of ammu- 
nition, money, and men, and finding that none urn ml, he much wpfi- 
dered at the cause; and the rather, because that he was so straitened, 
by the iniquity of the place wherein he was encamped, that his horse 
had no room for forage, and he found the army of his enemy did daily 
increase in number, and in power; wherefore a council of war being 
called, it was concluded, that three thousand of our horse, under the 
command of the resolute Sir William Belfore, should break through the 
main body of the enemy, which was accordingly performed ; and that 
with such a tempest, that they did bear clown many of the enemy before 
them, and snatched from them several colours, which they brought with 
them safe to Plymouth, as the testimony of their valour : his excellency 
disposed of himself to sea, attended with the Lord Roberts. He took ship- 
ping at Foy, and the seas danced to receive him whom our land was not 
worthy of. He landed first at Plymouth, and not long after he put to 
sea again, and safely arrived at Southampton. 

In the mean time, the most resolute Major-General Skippon, improv- 
ing his necessity into a virtue, did gallantly encourage his soldiers, who 
were all resolved to live and die, like soldiers, with him ; and, the forces 
of the enemy advancing towardsthem, they wore received with such un- 
daunted courage, that the enemy were forced, for their own safety, not 
only to give them quarter, but to condescend to very honourable articles 
on our parts, but those articles were violated, and that almost in the 
face of the King. 

I have been often informed, that Major-General Skippon, being dis- 
poiled of his scarlet coat, his cfse of pistols, and rapier, did ride up 
unto the King, and, very roundly, told him of the violation of the arti- 
cles by hissoldiers, as at all times in general, so at this present in parti- 
cular. The King, not well remembering him, did ask him who he was; 
he replied, that his name was Skippon. The King demanded who were 
VOL. vj. c 


those soldiers who had thus injured him; he shewed them to his Majes- 
ty, for, as yet, they continued within the reach of his eye;' they were 
about nine in number. 

Immediately, the Marshal was called, and those soldiers were appre- 
hended ; seven of the nine were condemned to the tree, and suffered ac- 
cording to their sentence. 

I do believe, therefore, that his Majesty was not accessary to this per- 
fidious rudeness of his soldiers, which though, peradventure, it had a 
connivance and a toleration from others, it received a punishment from 
him. But the protesting Cornish, who, before the advance of his majesty's 
army, had so freely devoted themselves to the obedience of the Parlia- 
ment, and the commands of his Excellency, did shew the deepest dis- 
simulation, and expressed the greatest inhumanity that could be put in 
execution; for they stripped our soldier* stark naked from head to foot, 
and left them nothing to comfort themselves in this distress, but the fel- 
lowship and the number of the distressed. 

In this condition of innocence and injury, tkey came unto South- 
ampton ; but the indignity thereof in lively characters was written in 
their breasts, and will shortly be revenged by their hands. And, indeed, 
not long after they did meet them again at Newbury, and forgetting 
almost the military order to actuate their revenge, they did fall upon 
them like so many lions, and, having made a great slaughter of them, 
they did redeem their clothes, with the destruction of their adversaries, 
who, having nothing to cover them but their own blood, they did re- 
main, the next day, a woeful spectacle to the conquerors. 

His Excellency was not then present, but, remembering his virtue, 
they fought by his example ; he was about that time at Southampton, 
sick in body and in mind. 

There is no man who by honourable dangers did ever adventure more 
for wounds than he, and yet in all the wars he managed he never received 
any hurt, but what he did take inwardly, which, by a magnanimous 
and gallant patience, he admirably always both concealed and cured. 

The wisdom of the parliament thought it now expedient to call home 
those commanders in chief, who conducted their armies in the field, 
that, after the great service performed for the state, the kingdom might 
now enjoy as much benefit by the strength of their counsels, as it re- 
ceived safety by their arms; and, indeed, who can give better instruc- 
tions for the field, than those who have been the leaders of our armies 
in it ? 

His Excellency, with as much chearfalness. Mas ready to lay down 
his arms, as with resolution he did take them up ; and, joining with the 
parliament, as well in person and presence, as in affection, he did much 
advance and facilitate the victories to come. 

And now, about the latter end of March, there was a conference be- 
tween both houses of parliament, concerning the new model for the set- 
tling of the army, the former commanders being called to sit in the 
houses of parliament. It was before ordered, that Sir Thomas Fairfax 
should be commander in chief of twenty-one thousand horse and faot, 
to be selected for this service, and that Major-General Skippon, now 
governor of Bristol, should be major-general of the whole army. At 


this conference there was a perfect concurrence of the House of Lords 
with the House of Commons, concerning the ratification of the list of 
Sir Thomas Fairfax's officers, in which was made no alteration at all. 
And this was, indeed, so acceptable to the House of Commons, that, 
upon report thereof unto the house, they appointed a committee to pre- 
pare a messenger to the Lords, to congratulate their happy concurrence, 
and to assure them of the real affection, and endeavours of the House of 
Commons, to support their lordships in their honours and their privi- 
leges. And now, an ordinance was drawn up for raising of money to 
maintain this army ; which army was shortly after compleated, and 
with admirable success did take the field under the command of the re- 
nowned Sir Thomas Fairfax, the particulars whereof shall be the happy- 
labour of some other pen, and not of this, which precisely only must de- 
pend upon the relations of the actions and saving counsels of his Excel- 
lency the Earl of Essex. 

Long did he thus continue a mighty agent for the health of this land, 
tintil it pleased God to strike him with a violent, a sudden, and a fatal 
sickness ; and now, being confined to his bed, he had no more to do 
with his hands, but to lift them up to heaven, and his tongue was the 
orator to render their devotion the more acceptable. It was the force of 
his body that overcame his foes by arms, but it was the humility of his 
soul that overcame the Almighty by his prayers, which being a conquest 
for the body not to attain unto, the exalted soul hath now presented the 
laurels which the body had won for the cause of the Almighty. And 
these being laid down at the feet of God, they will be reserved in a tem- 
ple not built with hands, until both soul and body shall be united, and, 
in the perfection of joy, shall triumph through all eternity. 

The same love, which did follow him alive, did continue to his death ; 
many of the nobility being always round about his bed. and attending 
him with their grief, whom they could not relieve with their greatness. 
My lord of Holland had his hand so locked in his, when the coldness and 
sloth of death had begun to make heavy both his understanding and his 
limbs, that he used some strength to get it from him, as if by this, at his 
departure, he would leave some earnest behind him, that he would 
carry with him the love of his friends'into a better world. 

And thus, having made peace with heaven, and peace with earth, he 
departed this life on the fourteenth of September, leaving, in all nations, 
to a world of those that honoured him the grief of his loss, the lustre of 
his transcendent virtues, and the attractive example of them, which, 
whosoever shall inherit, shall become the wonder and delight of this 
age, the lively model and portraict of himself, and the immortal heir of 
his fame and glory. 


Spoken or delivered im the 
Honourable House of Commons at Westminster, 

By the most learned lawyer, Miles Corbet, Esq. recorder of Great Yar- 
mouth, and burgess of the same, on the thirty-first of July, 1647, 
taken in short-hand by Nocky and Tom Dunn, his clerks, and revised 
by John Taylor. 

This was a fictitious speech, published in the year l6?9> intended to ex- 
pose the bombast of the rebellious speakers, as well as the real misfor- 
tunes, which the nation laboured under by the usurpation, in those 
times of anarchy and rebellion. 

Mr. Speaker, 

1KNOW not how to speak, I know no man weaker than myself, who do 
acknowledge, I am as unfitting to speak in this honourable assembly, 
as Phormio was to prattle an oration of war's discipline to the great sol- 
dier Hannibal, in the presence of King Antiochus ; yet, out of the debi- 
lity of my knowledge, the inability of my learning, the imbecility of 
my judgment, the nobility of this conscript senate, the mutability of 
their censures, the instability of opinions, the probability of offending, 
the volubility of scandal, and the impotency of my utterance, I have, 
(maugre all these perillous impediments) adventured to unbosom and 
disburthen my mind before these unmatchable patriots. 

Mr. Speaker, I am not ignorant that you are appointed in this parlia- 
ment, to be the ear of this kingdom, and mouth of the commons ; and I 
desire that your hearing may not take any offence against my words ; 
nor your tongue to retort me a reproof, instead of an applause. 

Mr. Speaker, in my introduction to grammar, vulgarly call the Acci- 
dence, I found eight parts of speech, which is now an introduction to me 
to divide my speech into eight parts ; that is to say : 

I. What we have done for religion. 

II. What we have done for the church. 

III. What for the Ring. 

IV. What for the laws. 

V. What for the kingdom. 

VI. What for the subjects. 

VII. What for reformation. 

VIII. What for ourselves. 

Of all these in order, as my infirm loquacity can demonstrate. 

Mr. Speaker, I do not herein declare either or neither the opinions of 
thishonourable assembly, or any fancy of my own, but I will make plain 
unto you, how the malignants esteem of us, and into what odium we are 
fallen amongst foreign nations. 

First, for religion : They say we have thrust out one religion, and taken 
in two ; that we have thrown down protestantism, and erected anabapt- 
ism and brownism ; that by our doctrines we do abuse the famous me- 
mory of Queen Elisabeth, King James, and consequently King Charles ; 
that in their religion they were papistically minded (which their lives 
and acts have and do manifest the contrary) and they say, it is no less 
than odious, and high treason, to traduce either of those deceased or sur- 
viving princes, with such false and scandalous aspersions. 

Mr. Speaker, I would not be mistaken ; I say not my own words, but 
I say what the malignants say of my Lord Say and of us. They say, 
that the protestant religion was wont to be, and ought, an inward robe or 
vestment, for the souls and consciences of all true believers ; and that 
the bishops, ancient fathers, and all orthodox divines, had a care to keep 
her neat, clean, andhandsome, in as spotless integrityasa militant church 
in this imperfect age could keep it. But they say, that we have made 
religion an onticard garment, or acloke, which none do wear amongst us, 
but sectaries, fools, knaves, and rebels. They say, this cloke being, 
with often turning, worn as threadbare as the publick faith, full of 
wrinkles, spots, and stains, neither brushed sponged, nor made clean, 
with as many patches in it, as in a beggar's coat, kept by coblers weavers, 
ostlers, tinkers, and tub-preachers; so that all order, and decent comeliness 
is trust out of the church ; all laudable ornaments trod down and banish- 
ed, under the false and scandalous terms of popery ; and, in the place 
thereof, most nasty, filthy, and loathsome beastliness, our doctrines being 
vented in long tedious sermons, to move and stir up the people to rebel- 
lion, and traiterous contributions, to exhort them to murder, rapine, rob- 
bery, and disloyalty, and all manner of mischief that may be, to the 
confusion of their souls and bodies. 

All these damnable villainies, our adversaries say, are the accursed 
fruits which our new moulded linsey-wolsey religion hath produced ; 
for they say, our doctrine is neither derived from the old, or new testa- 
ment ; that all the fathers, protestant doctors, and martyrs, never heard 
of any such ; that Christ and his apostles never knew it; and, for the 
book of common prayer, they say in verse : 

Ten-thousand, such as we, can ne'er devise, 
A book so good as that which we despise; 
The common-prayer they mean: if we should sit 
Ten-thousand years, with all our brains and wit, 1 
We should prove coxcombs all ; and, in the end, 
Lvave it as 'tis, too good for us to mend. 


And so much they say we have done for religion; which is the first 
of my eight parts of speech ; and as my weakness, and your patience will 
permit, I will more briefly and compendiously proceed to the second. 

Secondly, we are taxed with profane and barbarous pollutions of the 
church, or houses, dedicated to God's service. They say, that we never 
built any, but have taken too much accursed pains to deface and pull 
down many, perverting the right use of them into stables, receptacles 
of strumpets, luxurious villains, and infernal stinking smokes of mun- 
dungo at the communion-table, destroying those things, which we, with 
great maturity of judgment, learning, and wisdom, set in order, enacted 
by former parliaments, most execrably spoiling all by the usurped 
power and protection of this parliament. 

Mr. Speaker, It is a rigorous medicine for the tooth-ach to knock 
out the brains of the patient; he is no wise man that takes violent phy- 
sick and kills himself, to purge a little phlegm; nor is he a prudent 
builder, if his house wants some slight repairs, will pull it down: a 
man, that loves his wife, will not put her away for a few needless black 
patches that her face is disfigured withal. In like manner, if any thing 
were amiss, either ornament, gesture, ceremony, liturgy, or whatsoever 
might have been approved unfitting, scandalous, or justly offensive, it 
is conceived it might have been removed, or reconciled, in a more 
Christian way than by ruinating, demolishing, tearing, and violently 
defacing all, without regard of humanity, Christianity, or order, either 
from God or man, as too many places in this unjointed kingdom can 
most truly and wofully testify. And these sweet pieces of service (our 
adversaries say) we have done for the church. 

Thirdly, Concerning our loyalty and obedience to the King. It is 
manifest, that we have all taken the oath of allegiance to his majesty, 
and that we have also taken oaths and covenants to make war against 
him. Our enemies would fain know, who had power to dispense or 
free us from the former oath, and likewise by what authority the latter 
covenants and oaths were imposed upon the consciences of men. For 
my own part, if there were none wiser than myself, this ambiguous 
aenigma would never be unriddled. But it is rt ported, that if we had 
kept our first oaths conscientiously, and not taken the second most per- 
niciously, and performed them most impiously, then we had never so 
rcbelliously opposed and offended so gracious a majesty. 

Mr. Speaker, Our adversaries do further alledge, that our obedience 
to his majesty is apparently manifest by many strange ways. We have 
disburdened him of his large revenues, we have cased him of the charge 
of royal house-keeping, we have freed him of paying of his navy, we 
have cleared him from either repairing of (or repairing to) his stately 
palaces, magnificent mansions, and defensive castles and garisons; we 
have put him out of care for reparations of his armories, arms, ammu- 
nition, and artillery; we have been at the cost of keeping his children, 
Rid most trusty servants, from or for him ; we have taken order, and 


given ordinances, that he shall not be troubled with much money or 
meat; and that his queen and lawful wife shall not so much as darken 
his door. And we have endeavoured, by open rebellion, to release 
him of a most troublesome life and reign, by hunting him like a par- 
tridge over the mountains; and by shooting bullets of all sizes at his 
person for his majesty's preservation, on purpose to make him a glo- 
rious King in another world. We have eased him of a great number of 
his faithful friends, loyal subjects and servants, by either charitable 
famishing, brotherly banishment, liberal and free imprisonment, par- 
liamental plunder, friendly throat-cutting, and unlawful beheading and 
hanging, or ruinating as many as we could lay hands of, that either 
loved, served, or honoured him. 

All these heavy burthens we have eased him of, and overladen our- 
selves with the usurped ponderosity of them ; so that our adversaries 
say, that the weight of them will either break OUT backs, our necks, or 
sink us for ever: and they say, that, since the world's creation, never 
so good a king had so bad subjects to use him so hardly. 

Fourthly, Mr. Speaker, It is questioned what we have done for the 
laws. There are some that are not afraid to say, that we have trans-, 
formed or metamorphosed the common laws of the land, into the land's 
common calamities; that, instead of the common benefit which the 
laws in community should yield to all men in general, we have per- 
verted those laws to the private profit of ourselves, and some other par- 
ticular persons. The civil law is turned into an uncivil civil war ; 
blasphemy, atheism, sacrilege, obsceneness, profaneness, incest, adul- 
tery, fornication, bigamy, polygamy, bastard-bearing, cuckold-making, 
and all sorts of beastly bawdry are so far from being punished, that they 
are generally connived and winked at, or tolerated by us. And those 
which should be the punishers of those gross and crying crimes, as 
judges, officials, deacons, proctors, and other officers, these are derided, 
reviled, libelled against, cried down, and made a common scoffing- 
stock of every libidinous incontinent whore, and whore-monger. 

The law of God, contained in the decalogue or ten commandments, 
we have rased out of the church, not so much as suffering them to be 
read: and the new commandment, which was the last that Christ com- 
manded, that we should love one another, we have turned that the foul 
contrary way, to the spoiling and murdering one another. The law of 
nature is most unnaturally changed to brutish, heathenish, devilish, 
barbarous inhumanity; parricide, fratricide, and homicide, hath been, 
and is by us defended, maintained, and rewarded; no affinity, consan- 
guinity, alliance, friendship, or fellowship, hath or can secure any 
true protcstant, or loyal subject, either of his life or goods, safety or 
freedom. These are the best reports, our adversaries, the malignant 
party, do give us. 

It is farther said, that we have infringed and violated the law of arms 
here, and the law of nations abroad ; for whereas messengers and am- 
bassadors have always had, and ought to have free and safe passage, 
with fair and courteous accommodation and entertainment, which the 

c 4 


Turks, Tartars, Jews, and Cannibals always observed most obsequiously 
and punctually: but we, contrary to them, and repugnant to Chris- 
tianity, have suffered ambassadors to be rifled/, robbed, and evil en- 
treated. And we have caused his majesty's messengers to be hanged, 
whom he hath most graciously sent to us with conditions of peace. 

By the Vox Populi, or common vote of those people, we are pleased 
to cnll tnalignants, Papists, enemies to the state, with other scandals 
and epithets (which they utterly deny both in their words and practice:) 
we are justly taxed to be the main incendiaries, and pestilent propaga- 
tors, of all the mischiefs which this afflicted miserable kingdom groans 
and bleeds under; for they say, that the old statutes of Magna Charta 
are overthrown by us, under pretence and colour of supporting them : 
and that, by our votes, ordinances, precepts, proclamations, edict?, 
mandates, and commands, we have countermanded, abrogated, anni- 
hilated, abolished, violated, and made void, all the laws of God, of 
nature, of arms, and of arts too; and, instead of them, we have un- 
lawfully erected marshal law, club law, Stafford law, and such law- 
less laws as make most for treason, rebellion, murder, sacrilege, ruin, 
and plunder. But as for the King himself, we have not allowed him 
so much law as a huntsman allows a hare. These are our enemies 
words, and so much they say we have done for the laws. 

Fifthly, Mr. Speaker, This question or query is, what we have done 
for the kingdom. It is said, that we have done and undone the king- 
dom ; this ancient famous flourishing kingdom ; this envy of the world 
for happiness; this Eden of the universe; this terrestrial Paradise ; this 
abstract of heaven 9 blessings, and earthly content; this epitome of na- 
ture's glory; this exact extract of piety, learning, and magnanimous 
chivalry; this nursery of religion, arms, arts, and laudable endea- 
vours; this breed of men; this wonder of nations, formerly renowned, 
feared, loved, and honoured, as far as ever sun and moon shined ; 
this England, which hath been a kingdom, and a monarchy, many 
hundred years, under the reigns of one hundred and sixty-eight kings 
and queens ; this kingdom which hath conquered kingdoms ; that hath 
India, Syria, Palestina, Cyprus, tributary tremblers; that hath made 
France shake, and Spain quake; that relieved and defended Scotland 
from French slavery, and saved and protected the Netherlands from 
Spanish tyranny. Now have wo made this kingdom, this England, a 
miserable slave to itself, an universal Golgotha^ a purple gore, Acel- 
dama, afield of blood, a Gehenna, a den of thieves, or infernal furies, 
and finally, an earthly hell, were it not for this difference, that here 
the best men arc punished, and in hell only the worst are plagued; 
here no good man escapes torment, nor any bad man is troubled : the 
king is abused for being good and just, and his true and loyal subjects 
and servants are ruined and massacred for their fidelity. The protest- 
ants are called papists, because they will not be Brovvnists, Anabap- 
tists, and rebels. And our adversaries are so bold to say, that we 
have plotted and laboured long to turn this glorious monarchy into a 
prdling roly poly independant" anarchy, and make this kingdom to bs 
no kingdom ; and so much we have done for this kingdom. 


Sixthly, Mr. Speaker, They do question us what good we have done 
for the benefit or liberty of the subject. Many of them say, that they 
know too well and too ill, what and what not; they find, (by lament- 
able experience) that we have turned their liberty into bondage, their 
freedom into slavery, and their happiness into an unexampled infelicity. 
Nay, it is reported, that we have found two ways to hell, which are, 
either to be rebels, or perjured ; to fight in person against the king, and 
to be forsworn by a covenant to owe him no obedience, or dutiful alle- 
giance : they say we say, tush, these are but trifles, which may be 
answered at an easy rate, a small matter will clear this reckoning; it 
is no more than everlasting damnation, for which, Mr. Speaker, I am 
bold to make use of a speech in the distasteful litany, 'Good Lord, deli- 
ver us.' 

The malignants do compare this commonwealth to an old kettle, 
with here and there a fault or hole, a crack, or a flaw in it; and that 
we (in imitation of our worthy brethren of Banbury,) were intrusted to 
mend the said kettle ; but, like deceitful and cheating knaves, we have, 
instead of stopping one hole, made three or four score; for the people 
chose us to ease them of some mild and tolerable grievances, which we 
have done so artificially, that they all cry and complain*, that the 
medicine is forty times worse than the disease, and the remedy a hun- 
dred times worse than the medicine. And so much is reported that we 
have done for the subject. 

Seventhly, Mr. Speaker, The malignants query, or question, is, 
what we have done for reformation: what, by our industrious care, and 
lono sitting, we have reformed ; how the service of God is by us more 
religiously, sincerely, zealously, fervently, and ardently, preached or 
practised; what we have amended either in church or kingdom; how 
either the king is more honoured or obeyed than he was before this par- 
liament; what good we have done this fo.ur or five years; with what 
faces can we look upon the freeholders and corporations in every shire, 
county, city, town, and borough in this kingdom, who cried us up, 
and with their voices elected us to be knights and burgesses; which 
way we can answer the same, for our many breaches of that great 
trust, which they intrusted us withal ? I tell you, Mr. Speaker, these 
are home questions; and they plainly say, that 'all our reformation is 
non-conformation ; and, by sure confirmation, true information, cer- 
tain affirmation, we have by cunning transformation turned all to de- 
formation: so that if our predecessors and ancestors that are departed 
this life (to a better or worse) should, or could, rise out of their graves, 
and see the change, alteration, and unmannerly manners, that have 
overspread this church and kingdom, they would think they were not 
in England, but either in Turky, Barbary, Scythia, Tartary, or some 
land that is inhabited by infidels or pagans; for England, as it is, looks 
no more like England, as it was five years ago, than a camel, or cockle- 
shell, are like an owl, or a red herring. 

Eighthly and Lastly, Briefly and compendiously, the question is, 
what we have done for ourselves. We have run the hazard of our Estates 

* See the Tract intituled, Aw*ke, O England, in vol. 7. 


to be justly forfeited by rebellion, against a just, merciful, and truly 
religious king; our lives are liable to the rigour of such laws as former 
parliaments have enacted against rebels and traitors; and ourselves are 
in danger of perpetual perdition, if submission, contrition, and satis- 
faction be not humbly and speedily performed, or endeavoured; for we, 
and none but we, have altered this kingdom's felicity to confusion and 
misery; from a pleasant merry comedy, to a dismal bloody tragedy, suf- 
ficient to fill a large history of perpetual memory of us and our pos- 

And thus, Mr. Speaker, have I, with as much brevity as I could, 
run over my eight parts of speech, whereby may be perceived, how the 
malignant adversaries do esteem of us and our actions. 1 could speak 
more than I have said, and I could say more than I have spoken ; but, 
having done, I hold it discretion to make an end. 





Grievously troubled with a new Disease, called the Consumption of 
their Members. 

The Persons visited are : 

The Earl of Suffolk, The Ld. Willoughby of Parham, 

The Earl of Lincoln, The Lord Maynard, 

The Earl of Middlesex, Sir John Maynard, 

The Lord Hunsdon, Master Glyn, Recorder of London. 

The Lord Barkly. 

With a form of prayer, and other rites and ceremonies to be used for 
their recovery; strictly commanded to be used in all cathedrals, 
churches, chapels, and congregations, throughout his Majesty's three 
kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland. 

Printed for V. V. in the year 1647. Quarto, containing six pages. 

Let all the long-abused people of this kingdom speedily repair, for the 
remedy of all their grievances, to the High-Place at Westminster, 
and, so soon as entered in to the Lords-House, let them reverently 
kneel down upon their bare knees, and say this new prayer and ex- 
hortation following 


/~\ Almighty and everlasting Lords, we acknowledge and confess from 

the bottom of our hearts, that you have most justly plagued us 

2 fall seven years for our manifold sins and iniquities. Forasmuch 

as we have not rebelled against you, but against the King, our most 


gracious lord and governor, to the abundant sorrow of our relenting 
hearts, to whose empty chair we now bow in all reverence, in token of 
our duty and obedience. For we now too well (O Lords,) understand 
that we have grievously sinned, \vhich hath made your honours give us 
up a spoil unto robbers, viz. your committees, sequestrators, excisemen, 
and pursuivants; besides your several instruments of torments, distin- 
guished by the various names of Colonels, Lieutenant-Colonels, Majors, 
Captains, Quarter-masters, and a certain sort of putredinous vermin, 
that you use to line hedges withal, vulgarly called Dragoons, Troopers, 
and the like, O Lords; these, besides your continual taxes, collections, 
assessments, and the like ; a burthen that breaks our backs and very 
hearts, which continually follow one on the neck of another, besides 
your excises on our very flesh and apparel, with every particular be- 
longing to our trade and livelihoods; our wives, our daughters, our sons, 
our houses, our beds, our apparel, our horses, our hay, our beeves, our 
muttons, our lambs, our pigs, our geese, our capons, and the rest of our 
goods are forced from us, upon free quarters, as they call it; and we 
poor wretched and languishing wretches, amounting to the number of 
millions of millions, being sufficiently humbled by all these plagues and 
punishments (cry to your honours for redress) besides the large portion 
of our bloods which from the earth cries unto your honours, even as 
Abel's did unto heaven; so we to you mighty Lords; we therefore 
humbly pray and beseech you, that your honours would be graciously 
pleased (in your omnipotent power) to raise to life again, but to half a 
dozen thousand poor widows, their dear husbands, and many fatherless 
children, now in a languishing condition, will for ever magnify your 
honours for the same ; or else your honours must expect the cry of the 
widow to heaven against you, Ihe curse of the fatherless, and the cry of 
the earth, which already begins to vomit up that blood in your faces, 
which so rebelliously and unchristianly you have stained her's withal; 
she hath yet been a place of pleasure unto you, yielding no contagious 
air to infect you with those consuming diseases, that now reign 
amongst your honours, besides so many sorrows, distractions, dis- 
orders or passions, that visit your honours' consciences; all earth- 
ly creatures have been obedient unto you, mighty Lords. Finally, 
she hath yielded all things to your contentment, and nothing to your an- 
noyance: We beseech you therefore consider the present miseries of 
our bodies, as hunger, thirst, nakedness, want of our limbs, deformities, 
sickness and mortality ; the troubles of our minds, as fancies, fears, per- 
plexities, anguishes, and other imperfections; likewise the general 
scourges that are amongst us, as plagues, wars, and a thousand other ha- 
zardous calamities : Look but into our hospitals, we beseech you, and 
see lazars, cancers, fistulas, ulcers, and rottings, with wolves, sores, and 
festered carbuncles, frenzies, palsies, lethargies, falling-sicknesses, and 
lunaries. On the other side, we beseech you to consider the infirmities 
of our minds; the furious rages, envies, rancours, and corrosives; the 
unplacable sorrows and desperate passions ; the continual hell-torments, 
and remorse of conscience (for our late forced rebellion against our 
king) and infinite other sprightish fits and agonies you have brought 
upon us. Consider, how you have made us incur the heavy displea- 


sure of the most just and Christian prince* that ever reigned in this 
kingdom; the malice and enmity of our equals; the contempt, igno- 
miny, and reproach of all nations; the continual mocks and scoft's we 
receive of our inferiors ; the fraud and treachery of all sorts and de- 
grees; our frequent molestations by plunderings, sequestrations, loss of 
goods, limbs, liberties, friends, wives, and children. Consider what 
intolerable usage hath been to divers people, since the beginning of these 
unnatural wars,persecuted by the rage and fury of you, who would be call- 
ed Christians, but indeed the worst of tyrants : What spoiling of our 
goods, shedding of our bloods, oppressing of innocents, persecution of 
godly and orthodox ministers f> that the world was not worthy of, as 
reverend Armagh, VVestfield, Featly, Shute, and divers other learned and 
holy men ; in whose places what a litter of foxes have you put into 
God's vineyard, who root up the tender vines thereof; a crew of such 
vipers, that are not worth so much as the naming? what deflowering of 
virgins, abusing nf matrons, compulsion unto wickedness and rebellion, 
and terrifying from all virtue and Christian obedience? what inconve- 
niences and miseries have ensued by these unnatural and bloody wars? 
what alteration of estates and religion, subversion of three flourishing 
kingdoms, slaughtering of his Majesty's subjects, destroying of cities, and 
confusion of all order ? That it is almost incredible, that so many and 
so strange calamities could befall so happy a people, as we lately were, 
in so short a apace J. We humbly beseech you to consider these our 
just plaints, and speedily let us enjoy our king, our religion, our laws, 
our just liberties and estates, lest the anger of the Lord take harness, 
and arm all the creatures to the revenge of his enemies. He shall put 
on justice for his breast-plate, and shall take for his helmet certain 
judgment. He shall take equity as an impregnable buckler, he shall 
sharpen his dreadful wrath into a spear, and the world shall fight with 
him against such senseless persons. His throws of thunderbolts shall go 
directly, and shall be driven, as it were, from a well-bended bow, and 
shall hit at a certain place. Against them shall the spirit of might- 
stand, and, like a whirlwind, shall divide them, and shall bring all the 
land of their iniquity to a desart, and shall overthrow the seats of the 

These are shrewd items, high and mighty Lerds, and may cause you 
to peach one another still, and charge thorough and thorough, as well 
as round, yrt the silly Commons will hardly be gulled so ; they hope to 
recover their wits again, and will now listen to his Majesty, as once 
they might have done and have preserved their now lost estates. The 
twentieth part, divided amongst so many sharers, comes but to a very 
little: Waller's might come to some twelve butter-firkins full of gold. 
John Pym, that lousy esquire, might have been a second Croesus, 
had he lived, and Charles his son, a very Dives, in spight of Lincoln's- 
Inn Pump ; but he fears no peaching now, nor Hambden, nor Strowd, 
nor Stapleton neither; their charge will hardly be drawn up till Dooms- 
day in the afternoon, and then the city shall receive their debts on the 

K. Charles I. 

t Se a list of these ministers so persecuted anil ejected, in Vol. 7. 
t As seven years. 


publick faith, and learn more wit : by which time plundering will be 
out of request, and Sir Politick-would-be's, those great statists, that 
draw all into their own coffers, and cry with the devil, 'All is mine,' will 
then find to their costs, that their accompts are already cast up, and 
their reckoning upon the paying: In the mean time, whilst thieves fall 
out, true folks may come by their goods. Therefore, as the Psalmist 
saith, Gladius ipnorum intret in corda eonan, i. c. Let their own swords 
enter into their own hearts, and let their destruction arise from them-- 
selves ; let them dig their own graves ; let them (as they have already) 
cut off those anchors, that should preserve themselves from shipwreck; 
let them, like inraged dogs, break their teeth on that stone that is flung 
at them, not so much as looking at the hand that flings it; whilst we 
miserable wretches, in this vassalage and servility, are daily oppressed 
with so many incessant afflictions, worse than an Egyptian bondage, we 
may cry out with the Israelites, Ingemiscentes propter opera voctferari, 
i. e. lamenting our intolerable slavery, cry out unto God, from whom 
(and not from your Pharaoh-like honours) we must expect deliverance. 

Then let the parties, if they find no redress, turn unto the House of Com- 
mons, and say, asfollowetk : 

\VE humbly beseech you, the knights and burgesses, chosen and put 
in trust by your several countries, to redress our grievances (not 
to make us new grievances, to cure our maladies, not, in a desperate 
madness, to kill us instead of curing us) to keep us from robbing, not to 
rob us yourselves. That you would, with the eye of compassion, look 
upon our manifold miseries, before recited, in supplication to the Lords. 
We must acknowledge and confess, that you have done the part of a 
body without a head *; and taken great pains, though but to little pur- 
pose, in pulling down crosses off the churches, and steeples, and break- 
ing glass-windows, whilst ye have erected greater crosses in OUT religion 
and estates, that makes (at this time) the glased windows of our eyes to 
overflow. You have taken mickle pains, in making votes, orders, and 
ordinances, yet we never the better, but rather worse and worse ; whilst 
you are divided amongst yourselves, you have divided our inheritance; 
and divided the King from his royal spouse, children, and parliament, 
and would have divided him from his honour and coronation-oath ; di- 
vided the souls from our bodies as well as our shoes; divided religion 
into a thousand sects, schisms, heresies, and blasphemies, even against 
the Persons in the Sacred Trinity : And now will you leave us in this 
mist of errors and calamities, and every one take shipping, as lately 
Waller, Stapleton, Nichols, and many others ? which increaseth our 
fears, that you will give but an ill account of so many of our lives, so 
much of our estates,&c.&c,&c. you may guess what I mean. You may 
give losers leave (through lamentable experience) to speak, though I be- 
lieve to little purpose; therefore, vale, our trust is in the Lord, &c. 

Forasmuch as the House of Commons represents the body of the nation, which are the people, 
over \dietn the King only is the i ad. 


Here let all the people sing Psalm xliii. Judge and revenge, &c. And 
then, facing about to Henry the Seventh's Chapel, let all the people re- 
hearse the articles of their new reformed faith ; and after say, as fol- 
loweth : 

MOST holy fathers, whether universal, national, provincial, consisto- 
rial, classical synodians, whose learned consultations, pious debates, sa- 
cred conclusions, spiritual decrees, evangelical counsels, infallible divi- 
nity, hath cost us so many thousand pounds, for the space of al most 
these five years, to compose the two tables of the law and the gospel, the 
ordinance for tithes, and the directory; we magnify your sanctity, we 
adore your holy reformation, and highly commend your unerring spi- 
rits, for the great pains you have taken in your several sciences of equi- 
vocations, mental reservations, false glosses, comments, paraphrases, ex- 
positions, opinions, and judgments, that for a long time have cheated and 
deluded us; for your pious zeal and affection for the cause, in setting 
us on to kill one another, and freely to venture all, all but the tenths, 
tithes, offerings, and oblations ; those are yours jure divino ; besides all 
the fat benefices and goodly revenues that belong unto you, besides the 
four shillings a day, and the fees of your classical courts, and the ten 
groats for drinking a Sundays. We beseech ye, by all these, pray 
against the plaguy diseases your hypocrisy hath brought upon the two 
houses of parliament, and the whole kingdom, by heresy, poverty, im- 
peachments, banishments, and the like, Amen. 

Then let the people sing the forty-first Psalm, and so depart. 



Indited at the King's-Bench Bar for a Rape upon the body of Mrs. Anne 

Taken by a reporter there present,who heard all the circumstances there- 
of, whereof this is a true copy. 

London, printed by E. H. for W. L. 1647, Quarto, containing twelve pages. 

This trial was taken the twenty-eighth day of January in the twenty-third 

Year of King Charles, Anno Doin. 16*47. 

SIIR Edward Mosely, Baronet, indicted for felony and rape, upon the 
body of one Anne Swinnerton (wife to one Mr. Swinnerton, a gen- 
tleman of Gray's-Inn.) This trial was taken, the twenty-eighth day of 
January in the twenty-third year of King Charles, Anno Dora. 1047, 
before Mr. Justice Bacon, and Mr. Justice Rolls, in Hilary Term, in 
Banco Regis, 


First, Sir Edward Mosely appeared at the bar, and pleaded not guilty. 
Then Mr. Swinnerton and his wife appeared to give evidence. Then 
the Court demanded of Mr. Swinnerton, what council he had ready to 
open the indictment ; Mr. Swinnerton answered, that there had been such 
tampering with him and his witnesses to stop the prosecution, that he 
could get no lawyers to open his wife's case. The court asked him 
whether he had spoken with any lawyers to be of his council ; he said 
he had, but none would undertake it, only Mr. Cooke had promised 
him that he would open the indictment for him, but he appears not; so 
that, by the tampering of Sir Edward Mosely, Mr. Lowder, Mr. Wil- 
liam Stanley, Mr. Blore, Mr. Brownnell, and twenty more, none would 
assist him in maintaining of the indictment. These gentlemen, before- 
named, appeared in court, and did not deny, but that they did use what 
means they could, in a fair way, to put up the busiinss betwixt Sir 
Edward Mosely and Mrs. Swinnerton, which they conceived they might 
lawfully do, believing it could not possibly be a rape, having had intel- 
ligence of some former passages in it. Then the court said, Mr. Swin- 
nerton, if you had desired council, the court would have assigned you 
council. Then Mr. Swinnerton proceeded with his evidence, saying, 
coming home to my chamber, about six of the clock in April, 1647, I 
found Sir Edward Mosely came rushing out of my chamber, and I, en- 
tering, saw my wife thrown upon the ground, with all her cloaths torn, 
the bed cloaths torn, and hanging half way upon the ground, my wife 
crying and wringing her hands, with her cloaths all torn off her head, 
and her wrist sprained, Sir Edward Mosely having thrown her violently 
upon the ground; whereupon, seeing her in this condition, 1 asked her 
what was the matter ; she said Sir Edward Mosely had ravished her. 
Mr. Swinnerton further informed the court, that Sir Edward Mosely, 
two or three days before he did the rape, said that he would ravish my 
wife, though he were sure to be hanged for it. Then Mrs. Swinnerton 
began her evidence, saying, Upon my oath here I swear, that he said he 
would force me to my bed ; and then he swore, God damn him, he 
would lie with me, though he were sure to die for it: Then he takes 
me, and carries me to a narrow place, betwixt the wall of the bed, 
and, with his hands, forced my hands behind me, and lay with me, 
whether I would or no.. Then Sir Edward Mosely interrupted her, say- 
ing, Did not your husband come to the chamber-door at that time you 
pretended you were ravished, and knocked at the door, and I would 
have opened the door for him ; whereupon you said it is my husband, 
let the drunken sot stay without, and would not suffer me to open the 
door, and asked her whether she did not say so ? She said it was false. 
Then the court demanded of Mr. Swinnerton, what he said to his wife, 
when he found her in this manner. Mr. Swinnerton answered, I said, 
if she were ravished, as she said she was, she must take her oath of it, 
and indict him for it ; and, if she did not, he must believe that she had 
played the whore with him, and he would turn her off, and live no more 
with her, and she should be Sir Edward Mosely's whore altogether : but, 
said he, being desirous to be further satisfied in the business, I often 
sought for Sir Edward Mosely, but could not find him, for he had fled 
away from his chamber. 


One day I met him accidentally in Holbourn, and desired to speak 
a word with him; he said, he knew tny business, but he was in haste, 
and could not stay. Then I told him I had earnest business with him, 
and must speak with him : He told me, he suspected I had some design 
to arrest him, and would not be persuaded to stay. Then I pressed him, 
that if he would go and drink a cup of ale with me, he should come to 
no danger concerning any arrest at all ; and if he then would give me 
any satisfaction, I would not prosecute the law against him. The court 
demanded of him, what he meant by satisfaction ? Mr. Swinnerton an- 
swered, only to know what he could say to excuse himself. The court 
said, why, would you believe him before your wife ? Mr. Swinnerton 
answered, my meaning was, if he could satisfy me, that my wife was 
consenting to it, I had rather wave the prosecution, than bring my wife 
and myself upon the stage; and this was my intent, and no other. 

Then the court asked Sir Mosely, how Mr. Swinnerton' s wife came 
to be so with her cloaths torn, and ruffled in this manner, none but he 
and she beinginthe room; Sir EdwardMoscly aaiswered,she always went 
very ill-favouredly in her apparel. Then the. court asked Mrs. Swin- 
nerton, whether there were any in the room but Sir Edward and her- 
self; she answered, a little before there was my maid, but I had sent 
her to the baker's house for bread for my children, and in the mean 
while he lay with me against my will. 

Then the court asked the maid what she could say; she. said, when I 
came from the baker's, and entering into the chamber, i found my mis- 
tress crying, and wringing her hands, saying she was undone : also, I 
heard ir Edward Mosely say, before I went to the baker's, that he-would 
lie with my mistress, though he were sure to be hanged for it; and at 
all times he was wont to be very uncivil and rude, when he came into 
the chamber. Once he came into the chamber, when I' was there alone; 
truly, I durst not stay in the chamber, for I always observed he was so 
leacherously given, that any woman, were she never so mean, would 
serve his turn. At this time he came into the chamber, a little before 
I went to the baker's; I obsejved he would fain have thrown my mis- 
tress upon the bed, when I was there; but my mistress would not yield to 
it, but grew very angry with him, and said he was a rogue, and spit in 
his face; yet he would not let her alone : \Vhcreupon I told him, if he 
would not be more civil, I would call my master, and if he came, he 
would crack his crown for using my mistress so uncivilly. Sir Edward 
Mosely answered, he cared not a fart for my master, and that, for me, 
I was a base jado, and that he would make me kiss his, &c. What, said 
the court ? But the maid, having some modesty, could not bring it out. 
Then said her mistress, he said she should kiss something that was about 
him. What was that, said the court again? Mr. Swinnerton answered, 
he said he would make her kiss his arse. Then the court said to the 
maul, you must not be so nice in speaking the truth, being upon your 
oath. Mistress Swinnerton said, Then came Mr. James Winstanley, to 
tamper with me, from Sir Edward Mosely, and told me, if I pleased to 
accept of a hundred pounds, I should have it, if I would be reconciled 
to Sir Edward Mosely: Then the maid said, my mistress made this an- 
swer, she cared not for money : Mrs. Swinnerton said, it is true, I said 


so; and this I said, if Sir Edward Mos'ely would clown upon his knees, 
and confess that he had wronged me, I would not prosecute him ; but, 
also, I resolved that he should wear a paper upon his breast, or upon 
his hat, acknowledging the injury he had unto me : if he would do 
so, I would forgive him. Then, said she, Mr. James Winstanley desi- 
red to know where the place was in the room where I was ravished ; 
whereupon I shewed him. Mr. James Winstanley answered, This was 
such a place for such a business, that, if I had the strongest woman in 
England, I could ravish her here, whether she would or no. 

Then, the prosecutors for the King having ended their evidence, the 
court asked Sir Edward Mosely, .what he could say for himself ? He 
said he had many witnesses, and desired that they might be examined 
what they could say in his behalf. 

Then Mr. Kilvert was called in who appeared. The court said, Mr. 
Kilvert, though you be not upon oath, you must speak the truth in the 
fear of God. Mr. Kilvert answered, I know it, my Lord ; what I shall 
say here, I speak it in the presence of God, and I shall speak no more 
than what is truth. Mistress Swinnerton, seeing of him, said, I hope no 
body will beliere what this knave Kilvert will say, for he is a knave 
known to all the court, and all that hear him. Then Mr Kilvert went 
on with his evidence, saying, 1 thank God this is the second time I ever 
came in this woman's company; the first time was at the Fleece Ta- 
vern in Covent-Garden, where she came to a dinner, to meet with Sir 
Edward Mosely : As soon as she had sat down at the table, she said, 
that this room had been a very lucky room to her. for once before in 
this room, she had received three hundred pounds for the composition 
of a rape, which she charged a reverend divine withal ; I shall not stick 
to name the man, she said it was Dr. Belcanquell ; this doctor I knew 
to be a reverend man, and, to my knowledge, is long since dead, and in 
heaven ; and for this rape, she said then, she would not take under two 
thousand pounds for a composition of Sir Edward Mosely, which" she 
said was little enough, he having three thousand pounds a year. Mrs. 
Swinnerton, he'aring of this, clapped her hands at him, and said, he was 
a knave, and a rascal, and all \vas false which he said. 

Then the court said to her, Mrs. Swinnerton, you should carry your- 
self soberly and moderately, otherwise you will disparage all your wit- 
nesses. Then the court asked her whether she did meet at this tavern, 
(having affirmed before, that she never was in Sir Edward Mosely's 
company, but in her own chamber) whereupon she staggered at it a 
little, and loth to confess it; at last she answered, True, she was there, 
but this rascal Kilvert had bewitched her to come thither. Mr. Kil- 
vert said further, after she had sat a while at the table, she takes her 
stool, and removes it to sit next to Sir Edward Mostly, and there falls a 
hugging and embracing him ; whereupon, said ho, Surely, Lady, where- 
as you say Sir Edward hath ravished you, I do believe, rather, you 
have ravished him, otherwise you would not make so much of him : 
So Mr. Kilvert made an end of his evidence. 

Then Mr. Wood, another witness, said he met her at Islington, in Sir 
Edward Mosely's company, and there she confessed to him, that Sir Ed- 
Mosely had many times left the key of his chamber with her, to 

VOL. vr. D 


go to him when she pleased ; and she said she had often made use of it. 
Then, said this witness, after I had seriously looked upon her, and seeing 
of her a woman of that strength of body, I said I wondered Sir Edward 
Mosely should ravish her : She said, Do you wonder at that, why ? Do 
you take me behind the bed there, there being a bed in the room, and 
see whether you may not do it. 

Another witness said, that she had confessed to him, that Sir Edward 
Mosely once lay with her, with her consent : afterwards she asked him, 
Now what will you give my maid, you must give her something ; he 
answered, I will give her forty shillings ; whereupon she said, forty shil- 
lings! that is base, you cannot give her less than ten pounds and a silk 1 
petticoat; but, when he went forth of doors, she said he gave her no-' 
thing but a groat, and so basely went his way. 

Another witness said, he heard her say (that it being generally known 
that Sir Edward Mosely had ravished her) she was like to lose many of 
her best customers in town. 

Another witness said, he heard jSwinnerton say, that, if she would not 
take her oath that she was ravished by him, she should be no wife of his. 
Afterwards Mr. James Winstanley was called into the court; he said, 
it is true, she took me, and shewed me the place where she was ravished. 
He wondering how Sir Edward, being but a little man, and she such a 
lusty woman, should be ravished by him ! Why, said she, should you 
wonder at that ? Then she put her leg between my legs, and put her 
other leg, setting her foot against the wall, saying now, in this posture, 
as you see me here, I myself could ravish any woman whatsoever. 

Another witness said, the night before she went to prefer the bill of 
indictment against Sir Edward Mosely, she confessed she had like to 
have been distracted, and run mad, for fear the grand jury should find 
the bill. 

Two other witnesses affirmed, upon their credit, whereas it was said 
by Mr. Swiunerton, and his wife, that Sir Edward Mosely fled from his 
chamber immediately after the act was done, they said t^ey had daily 
recourse to his chamber, and walked to and fro with him, sometimes in 
Gray's-lnn Walks, sometimes to Westminster, and to other places in the 
town, for six weeks together, after this pretended rape, and many times 
they saw Mrs. Swinnerton stand at her own door, looking upon him as 
he passed by (which was but six steps from Sir Ed ward's chamber-door) 
and never questioned about it; but oftentimes, they said, seeing her stand 
watching there, they feared she would go up to him, and tempt him to 

Then, evidence being given on both sides, the jury went from the bar, 
and returned, and gave their verdict, that Sir Edward Mosely was not 
guilty. Then the court said, Sir Edward Mosely, take heed what com- 
pany you keep hereafter : Let this be a warning to you : You see iu 
what danger you bring yourself to, in keeping ill company. 

Imprimatur, Gilbert Mabbot, 
February 8, l6"47. 

C 51 ) 



The honourable founder of the Publkk Library in the University of Oxford. 

Oxford, printed by Henry Hajl, Printer to the University, 1647. Quarto, con- 
taining sixteen pages. 


WHEN the great restorer of learning, our munificent benefactor, Sir 
Thomas Bodley, made the happy exchange of the troubles of this life, 
with the glories of a better : the university, according to the greatness 
of his merits, and their loss, in solemn grief and sadness, attended at 
his obsequies. But lest the uncharitable censure of the world should 
apprehend our thankfulness buried in the same grave with him, and 
cold as his dead ashes, in that we pay no after tribute to so engaging a 
desert: We bring to the altar of eternity that part of him which yef, 
and ever must survive. A monument freed from the laws of time 
and ruin, supported with the vigour of that name, which hath a semi- 
nal strength within itself, to make whole, volumes live. But lest the 
judging and severer eye, viewing the nakedness of this relation, may 
thence despise the poorness of our endeavour : that I may speak the 
work above all scorn, above all praise, it was his own. Nor durst 
we call that draught in question, which felt the hand of so exact a 
master; but with awe looked on it, as on the fabrick of an ancient 
temple, where the ruin furthers our devotion, and gaudy ornaments 
do but prophane the sad religion of the place. It is true, it savours 
not the language of our age, that hath the art to murder with a 
smile, and folds a curse within a prayer, but speaks the rhetorick of 
that better world, where virtue was the garb, and truth the compli- 
ment. Those actions arc of low and empty worth, that can shine 
only where the varnish of our words doth gild them over. The true 
diamond sparkles in its rock, and, in despight of darkness, makes a 
day. Here then, you shall bciiold actions with the same integrity set 
down, as they were first performed. A history described, as it was 
lived. A counsellor that admitted still religion to the cabinet, and in 
his active aims had a design on heaven. A spirit of that height, that 

* Thw it the f)0th nujnber in the catalogue of pamphlets in the Harleian Librry. 

i> 2 


happiness, as in a private fortune to outdo the famed magnificence of 
mighty princes ; whilst his single work clouds the proud fame of the 
^Egyptian Library, and shames the tedious growth of the wealthy 
Vatican. I know how hard a task it will be to persuade any to 
copy out from this fair pattern : however, we cannot so far despair of 
ingenuity, as not to expect, even from the unconcerned disinterested 
reader, a clear esteem and just resentment of it. If we gain by this, 
we shall in part rest satisfied, in an age so wholly lost to vice, concei- 
ving it a great degree of virtue to confess the lustre of that good, 
which our perverse endeavours still avoid, 

I WAS born at Exeter, in Devonshire, the second of March, 1544, de- 
scended both by father and mother of worshipful parentage, By my 
father's side from an ancient family of Bodley, or Bodleigh of Dunscomb, 
by Credkon ; and by my mother, from Robert Hone, Esq. of Ottery 
Saint Mary, nine miles from Exeter. My father, in the time of Queen 
Mary, being noted and known to be an enemy to popery, was so cruelly 
threatened, and so narrowly observed, by those that maliced his religion, 
that, for the safeguard of himself, and my mother, who was wholly af- 
fected as my father, he knew no way so secure, as to fly into Germany ; 
where, after awhile, he found means to call over my mother, with all 
his children and family, whom he settled, for a time, at Wesell in Cleve- 
land (for there, as then, were many English, which had left their coun- 
try for their conscience, and with quietness enjoyed their meetings and 
preachings) and from thence we removed to the town of Franckfort, 
where was, in like sort, another English congregation. Howbeit, we 
made no long tarriance in either of those two towns, for that my father 
had resolved to fix his abode in the city of Geneva, where, as far as I re- 
member, the English church consisted of some hundred persons, I was 
at that time of twelve years of age, but through my father's cost and 
care, sufficiently instructed to become an auditor of Chevtflerius in He- 
brew, of Beroaldus in Greek, of Calvin andBeza in divinity, and of some 
other professors in that university, (which was newly then erected) besides 
my domestical teachers, in the house of PhHibertus Saraccnus, a famous 
physician in that city, with whom 1 was boarded ; where Robertus Con- 
stantinus, that made the Greek Lexicon, read Homer unto me. Thus I 
remained there two years and more, ontil such time as our nation was 
advertised of the death of queeuMary,and succession ofElisabeth, with the 
change of religion, which caused my father to hasten into England; 
where he came with my mother, and with all their family, within the 
first of the queen, and settled their dwelling in the city of London. It 
was not long after, that I was sent away from thence to the University of 
Oxford, recommended to the teaching and tuition of Dr. Humfrey, who 
was shortly after chosen the chief reader in divinity, and president of 
Magdalen College. There I followed my studies, till I took the degree 
of batchelor of arts, which was in the year 1563 ; within which year I 
was also chosen probationer of Merton College, and the next year ensuing 
admitted Fellow. Afterwards, to wit, in the year 1565, by special per- 
suasion of some of my Fellows, and for my private exercise, I undertook 
the publick reading of a Greek lecture, in thesame college hall, without 


requiring or expecting any stipend for it. Nevertheless, it pleased the 
fellowship, of their own accord, to allow me soon after four marks by 
the year, and ever since to continue that lecture to the college. In the 
year of our Lord 1566, I proceeded master of arts, and read, for that 
year, in the school-streets, natural philosophy ; after which time, with- 
in less than three years space, I was won, by intreaty of my best-affected 
friends, to stand for the proctorship, to which I and my colleague, IVias- 
ter Bearblock, of Exeter College, were quietly elected in the year 15^9, 
without any competition or countersuit of any other. After this, for a 
long time, I supplied the office of the University orator, and bestowed my 
time in the study of sundry faculties, without any inclination to profess 
any one above the rest; insomuch as, at last, I waxed desirous to travel 
beyond the seas, for attaining to the knowledge of some special modern 
tongues, and for the increase of my experience in the managing of af- 
fairs, being wholly then addicted to employ myself, and all my cares, in 
the publick service of the state. My resolution fully taken, I departed 
out of England, anno 1576, and continued very near four years abroad, 
and that in sundry parts of Italy, France, and Germany. A good while 
after my return, to wit, in the year 1585, I was employed by the queen 
to Frederick, father to the present king of Denmark; to Julius, duke of 
Brunswick, to William, landgrave of Hesse, and other German princes: 
the effect of my message was, to draw them to join their forces with her's, 
for giving assistance to the king of Navarre, now Henry the Fourth, king 
of France. My next employment was to Henry the Third, at such 
time as he was forced by the Duke of Guise to fly out of Paris ; which 
I performed, in such sort as I had in charge, with extraordinary secresy ; 
not being accompanied with any one servant (for so much I was com- 
manded) nor with any other letters, than such as were written with the 
, queen's own hand to the king, and some selected persons about him ; the 
effect of that message it is fit I should conceal. But it tended greatly to 
the advantage not only of the King, but of all the protestants in France, 
and to the duke's apparent overthrow, which also followed soon upon 
it. It so befel after this, in the year eighty-eight, that, for the better 
conduct of her highness 's affairs in the Provinces United, I was thought 
a fit person to reside in those parts, and was sent thereupon to the Hague 
in Holland, where, according to the contract that had formerly past, 
between her highness and the states, I was admitted for one of their 
council of estate, taking place in their assemblies next to Count Mau- 
rice, and yielding my suffrage in all that was proposed. During all that 
time, what approbation was given of my painful endeavours by the 
Queen, Lords in England, by the States of the country there, and by all 
the English soldiery, I refer it to be notified by some others relation; 
since it was not unknown to any of any calling, that then were acquaint- 
ed with the state of that government. For, at my first, coming thither, 
the people of that country stood in dangerous terms of discontentment, 
partly for some courses that were held in England, as they thought, to 
their singular prejudice, but most of all, in respect of the insolent de- 
meanor of some of her highness's ministers, which only respected their 
private emolument, little weighing in their dealing what the queen had 
contracted with the States of the country j whereupon was conceived a 



mighty fear on every side, that both a present dissolution of the con- 
tract would ensue, and a downright breach of amity between us and 
them. Now what means I set a foot for redress of those perils, and by 
what degrees the state of things was reduced into order, it would require 
a long treatise to report it exactly ; but this I may aver with modesty 
and truth, and the country did always acknowledge it with gratitude, 
that, had I not of myself, without any direction from my superiors, pro- 
ceeded in my charge, with extreme circumspection, as well in all my 
speeches and proposals to the States, as in the tenour of my letters, that 
1 writ into England, some sudden alarm had been given, to the utter 
subversion and ruin of the state of those provinces ; which, iu process 
of time, must needs have wrought, in all probability, to the self-same 
effect in the state of this realm. Of this my diligence and care in the 
managing of my business, there was, as I have signified, very special no- 
tice taken by the queen and state at home, for which I received from her 
majesty many comfortable letters of her gracious acceptance, as withal, 
from that time forward, I did never receive almost any set instructions, 
how to govern my proceedings in her majesty's occasions, but the car- 
riage, in a manner, of all her affairs was left to me, and my direction. 
Through this my long absence out of England, which wanted very little 
of five whole years, my private estate did greatly require my speedy re- 
turn, which, when I had obtained by intercession of friends, and a te- 
dious suit, I could enjoy but a while, being shortly after enjoined to 
repair to the Hague again. Nevertheless, upon a certain occasion to 
deliver unto her some secret overtures, and of performing thereupon an 
extraordinary service, I came again home within less than a twelve- 
month; and I was no sooner come, but, her highness embracing the fruit 
of my discoveries, I was presently commanded to return to the States, 
with charge to pursue those affairs to performance, which I had secretly 
proposed ; and according to the project, which I had conceived, and im- 
parted unto her, all things were concluded and brought to that issue 
that was instantly desired, whereupon, I procured my last revocation. 
Now, here I cannot clause, in making report of the principal accidents 
that have fallen unto me in the course of my life, but record among the 
rest, that, from the very first day, I had no man more to friend among 
the lords of the council, than was the lord treasurer Burleigh : For, 
when occasion had been offered of declaring his conceit as touching my 
service, he would always tell the queen, which I received from herself 
and some other ear witnesses, that there was not airy man in England so 
meet as myself, to undergo the office of the secretary. And since his 
son, the present lord treasurer, hath signified unto me in private confe- 
rence, that, when his father intended to advance him to that place, his 
purpose was 1 withal to make me his colleague. Rut the case stood thus 
in my behalf: Before such time as I returned from theProvinces United, 
which was in the year 1597, and likewise after my return, the then Eail 
of Essex did use me so kindly both by letters and messages, and other 
great tokens of his inward favours to me, that, though I had no mean- 
ing, but to settle in my mind my chiefest desire and dependence upon 
the Lord Burleigh, as one that I reputed to be both the best able, and 
therewithal the most willing to work my advancement with the queen, 


yet, I knew not how, the Earl, who sought by all devices, to divert her 
love and liking both fro"n the father and the son, but from the son espe- 
-cially, to withdraw my affection from the one and the other, and to win 
me altogether to depen J upon himself, did so often take occasion to en- 
tertain the queen with some prodigal speeches of my sufficiency fora 
secretary, which were ever accompanied with wordsof disgrace againstthe 
present lord treasurer, is neither she herself, of whose favour before I was 
thoroughly assured, took any great pleasure to prefer me the sooner. For 
she hated his ambition, and would give little countenance to any of his 
followers, and both the lord Burleigh and his son waxed jealous of my 
courses, as if under-hand I had been induced, by the cunning and kind- 
ness of the Earl of Essex, to oppose myself against their dealings. And 
though, in very truth, they had no solid ground at all of the least alte- 
ration in my disposition towards either of them both, for I did greatly 
respect their persons and places, with a settled resolution to do them 
.any service, as also in my heart I detested to be held of any faction what- 
soever ; yet the now lord treasurer, upon occasion of some talk, that I 
have since had with him, of the Earl and his actions, hath freely con- 
fessed of his own accord unto me, that his daily provocations were so 
bitter and sharp against him, and his comparisons so odious, when he 
put us in a balance, as he thought thereupon he had very great reason 
to use his best means, to put any man out of hope of raising his fortune, 
whom the Earl with such violence, to his extreme prejudice, had en- 
deavoured to dignity. And this, as he affirmed, was all the motive he 
had to set himself against me, in whatsoever might redound to the bet- 
tering of my estate, or increasing of my credit and countenance with the 
queen. When 1 had thoroughly now bethought me, first in the Earl, 
of the slender hold-fast that he had in the favour of the queen, of an end- 
less opposition of the chiefcst of our statesmen like still to wait upon 
him, of his perilous, and feeble, and uncertain advice, as well in his own, 
as in ail the causes of his friends : And when moreover, for myself, I 
had fully considered how very untowardly these two counsellors were 
affected unto me, upon whom before in cogitation I had framed all the 
fabrick of my future prosperity ; how ill it did concur with my natural 
disposition to become, or to be counted either a stickler or partaker in 
any publick faction ; how well I was able, by God's good blessing, to 
live of myself, if I could be content with a competent livelihood ; how 
short time of further life I was then to expect by the common course of 
nature ; when I had, I say, in this manner, represented to my thoughts 
my particular estate, together with the Earl's, I resolved thereupon to 
possess my soul in peace, all the residue of my days; to take my full 
farewel of state employments, to satisfy my mind with that mediocrity 
of worldly living, that I had of my own, and so to retire me from the 
court, which was the epilogue and end of all my actions and endea- 
Tours of any important note, till I came to the age of fifty-three. Now, 
although after this, by her majesty's direction, 1 was often called to the 
court, by the now lord treasurer, then secretary, and required by him, 
as also divers times since, by order from the King, to serve as ambassa- 
dor in France, to go a commissioner from his highness, for concluding 
the truce between Spain and the provinces, and to negotiate in other 

D 4 


very honourable employments; yet I would not be removed from my 
former final resolution, insomuch as at length, to induce me the sooner 
to return to the court, I had an offer made me by the present lord trea- 
surer, for in process of time he saw, as he himself was pleased to tell me 
more'than once, that all my dealing was upright, faithful, and direct, 
that, in case I myself was willing unto it, he would make me his asso- 
ciate in the secretary's office, and, to the intent I might believe that he 
intended it bonafide, he would get me out of hand to be sworn of the 
council. And for the better enabling of my state to maintain such a 
dignity, whatsoever I would ask, that might be fit for him to deal in, and 
for me to enjoy, he would presently sollicit the King to give it passage. 
All which persuasions notwithstanding, although I was often assaulted 
by him, in regard of my years, and for that I felt subject to many indis- 
positions, besides some other private reasons which I reserve unto myself, 
I have continued still at home my retired course of life, which is now 
methinks to me as the greatest preferment that the state can afford. 
Only this I must truly confess of myself, that though I did never repent 
me yet of those, and some other my often refusals of honourable offers, 
in respect of enriching my private estate ; yet somewhat more of late I 
have blamed myself, and my nicety that way, for the love that I bear to 
my reverend mother the University of Oxford, and to the advancement 
of her good, by such kind of means, as I have since undertaken. For 
thus 1 fell to discourse and debate in ray mind, that although I might 
find it fittest for me to keep out of the throng of court contentions, and 
address my thoughts and deeds to such ends altogether, as I myself could 
best affect; yet withal I was to think, that my duty towards God, the 
expectation of the world, my natural inclination, and very morality, did 
require, that 1 should not wholly so hide those little abilities that I had, 
but that in some measure, in one kind or other, I should do the true 
part of a profitable member in the state. Whereupon examining exact- 
ly for the rest of my life, what course I might take, and having sought, 
as I thought, all the ways to the wood to select the most proper, I con- 
cluded at the last to set up my staff at the library door in Oxford; 
being thoroughly persuaded, that, in my solitude- and surcease from the 
commonwealth affairs, I could not busy myself to better purpose, than 
by reducing that place, which then in every part lay ruined and waste, 
to the publick use of students; for the effecting whereof, I found my- 
self furnished in a competent proportion, of such four kinds of aids, as, 
unless I had them all, there was no hope of good success. For without 
some kind of knowledge, as well in the learned and modern tongues, a 
in sundry other sorts of scholastical literature ; without some purse- 
ability, to go through with the charge ; without very great store of ho- 
nourable friends to further the design, and without special good leisure 
to follow such a work, it could but have proved a vain attempt, and in- 
considerate. But how well I have sped in all my endeavours, and how 
full provision I have made for the benefit and ease of all frequenters of 
the library, that which I have already performed in sight, that besides 
which I have given for the maintenance of it, and that which hereafter 
I purpose to add, by way of enlargement to that place, for the project is 
cast, and, whether I live 'or die, it shall be, God willing, put in full 


execution, will testify so truly and abundantly for me, as I ired not be 
the publisher of the dignity and worth of my own institution. Written 
with my own hand, anno l60p, December the fifteenth. 


' Thus far our noble author of himself, who, like to the first penman 
*' of the sacred history, seems to survive his grave, and to describe unto 
' us his own death. For, having finished that great work which future 
' times shall ever honour, never^equal, he yielded to his fate. As being 
1 unwilling the glory of that deed should be defloured by the succession 

* of an act less high than it. On the twenty-ninth of January, in the 
'year 1612, his pure soul attained the freedom of its own divinity : 
' Leaving his Borrowed earth, the sad remainder of innocence and frail- 
' ty, to be deposited in Merton College: Who had the happiness to call 

* his edu cation her's, and to be intrusted with so dear a pledge of im- 
' morality/ 


Written in the Year 16*7. 

6EOOPA2T. Xx7. i.' <or 

, TJ TOV -arjxjTefov oXXaX(f optupMa., i. . 

He seditiously stirs up mentojight : He will teach others the way -whereof 
himself is most ignorant ; and persuades men to take an oath, because 
himself had sworn it before. 

London, Printed for Richard Marriott, and arc to be sold at his shop under JSt 
Dunstan's Church in Fleet-Street, 1662-3. Quarto, containing twentv-two 




THIS pamphlet was torn from me, by those who say, they cannot rob, 
because all is theirs. They found it where it slept many years for- 
gotten ; but they awakened it, and made false transcripts. They ex- 
cised what they liked not ; so mangled and reformed, that it was no 
character of an assembler, but of themselves. A copy of that reform- 
ling had crept to the press. I seized and stopped it, unwilling to 
father other men's sins. Here therefore you have it, as it was first 


scribbled, without addition of a syllable; I wish I du ret say here is 
nothing lopped off; but men and manners are changed, at least they 
say so. If yet this trifle seem born with teeth, you know whose hands 
were knuckle-deep in the blood of that renowned chancellor of Oxon, 
Archbishop Laud, though, when they cut up that great martyr, his 
two greatest crimes were the two greatest glories Great-Britain can 
boast of, St. Paul's Church, and the Oxford Library. Where you 
find no coherence, remember this paper hath suffered decimation : 
Better times have made it worse, and that is no fault of 

J. B. 

AN assembler is part of the state's chattels, not priest, nor burgess, 
but a participle that sharks upon both. He was chosen, as Sir 
Nathaniel, because he knew least of all his profession, not by the votes 
of a whole diocese, but by one whole parliament man. He has sat four 
years towards a new religion, but, in the interim, left none at all; as his 
masters, the commons, had a long debate, whether candles or ift) candles, 
but all the mean while sat still in the dark; and therefore, when the 
moon quits her old light, and has acquired no new, astronomers say she 
is in her synode. Shew me such a picture of Judas, as the assembler, a 
griping, false, reforming brother; who rails at waste spent upon the 
anointed ; persecutes most those hands which ordained him ; brings in 
men with swords and staves; and all for money from the honourable 
scribes and pharisees. One touch more (a line tied to his name-sake, 
Elder-tree) had made him Judas root and branch. This assembly at 
first was a full century, which should be reckoned, as the scholiast's he- 
catomb, by their feet, not heads ; or count them by scores ; for, in 
things without heads, sixscore go to an hundred. They would be a new 
septuagint ; the old translated seripture out of Hebrew into Greek, 
these turn it to four shillings a day ; and all these assemblers were begot 
in one day, as Hercules's fifty bastards all in one night. Their first list 
was sprinkled with some names of honour, (Dr. Sanderson, Dr. Morley, 
Dr. Hammond, &c.) but these were divines too worthy to mix with 
such scandalous ministers, and would not assemble without the royal 
call. Nay, the first list had one archbishop, one bishop, and an half; 
for bishop Brownrigg was then but elect ; but now their assembly, as 
philosophers think the world, consists of atoms, petty small Levites, 
whose parts are not perceptible; and yet these inferior postern teachers 
have intoxicated England (for a man sometimes grows drunk by a 
clyster.) \\hen they all meet, they shew beasts in Africa, by promis- 
cuous coupling, ingender monsters. Mr. Selden visits them, as Persians 
use, to see wild asses fight ; when the Commons have tired him with 
their new law, these brethren refresh him with their mad gospel. 
They lately were gravelled betwixt Jerusalem and Jericho; they 
knew not the distance betwixt those two places ; one cried twen- 
ty miles, another ten; it was concluded seven, for this reason, That 
fish was brought from Jericho to Jerusalem -market. Mr. Selden 
smiled, and said, Perhaps the fish was salt fish ; and so stopped their 
mouths. Earl Philip goes thither to hear them spend ; when he heard 
them toss their national, provincial, classical, congregational, he swore 


damnably, that a pack of good dogs made better musick : His allusion 
was proper, since the elder's maid had a four-legged husband. ,To 
speak truth, this aisembly is the two houses atth ing-room, where the 
Lords and Commons put on their vizards and masks of religion : And 
their honours have so sifted the church, that at last they have found 
the bran of the clergy ; yet such poor church-menders must reform and 
shuffle, though they find church-government may a thousand ways be 
changed for the worse, but not oneway for the better. They have lately 
published annotations on the bible, where their first note on the word 
create, is a libel against kings, for creating of honours. Their annota- 
tion on Jacob's two kids is, That two kids are too much for one man's 
supper; but he had, say they, but one kid, and the other made sauce. 
They observe, upon Herod, what a tyrant he was, to kill infants under 
two years old, without giving them a legal trial, that they might speak 
for themselves. Commonly they follow the Geneva margin, as thoic 
seamen, who understood not the compass, crept along the shore ; but, I 
hear, they threaten a second edition, and, in the interim, thrust forth 
a paltry catechism, which expounds nine commandments, and eleven 
articles of the creed. Of late they are much in love with chronograms, 
because, if possible, they are duller than anagrams. O how they have 
torn the poor bishops names, to pick out the number six hundred sixty- 
six ! little dreaming, that a whole baker's dozen of their own assembly 
have that beastly number in each of their names, and that as exactly as 
their solemn league and covenant consists of six-hundred sixty-six 
words. But though the assembler's brains are lead, his countenance is 
brass ; for he damned such as held two benefices, while himself has four 
or five, besides his concubine-lecture. He is not against pluralities, but 
dualities; he says, it is unlawful to have two of his own, though four of 
other men's; and observes how the Hebrew word for life has no singu- 
lar number. Yet it is some relief to a sequestered person to see two as- 
semblers snarl for his tithes ; for, of all kinds of beasts, none can match 
an assembler, but an assembler. He never enters a church by the door, 
but clambers up through a window of sequestration, or steals in, through 
vaults and cellars, by clandestine contracts with an expecting patron. 
He is most sure no law can hurt him, for all laws died in England the 
year before the assembler was born. The best way to hold him is, as 
our king Richard bound the king of Cyprus, in silver chains. He loves 
to discourse of the new Jerusalem, because her streets are of fine gold, 
and yet could like London as well, were Cheapside paved with the phi- 
losopher's stone; nay, he would say his prayers with beads, if he might 
have a set made all of diamonds. This, this ij it which tempts him to 
such mad articles against the loyal clergy, whom he dressesashe would 
have them appear, just as the ballad of Dr. Faustus brings forth the 
devil in a friar's weed. He accused one minister for saying the blessed 
virgin was the mother of God, (QSOTIJ*O?, as the ancients call her.) Ano- 
ther he charged for a common drunkard, who, all the country knows, has 
drunk nothing but water these six and twenty years. But the assem- 
bler himself can drink widows tears,though their husbands are not dead. 
Sure, if Paracelsus's doctrine were true, That to eat creatures alive will 
perpetuate man's life, the assembler were immortal; for he swallows 


quick men, wives, and children, and devours lives as well as livings, as 
if he were born in that pagan province, where none might marry till he 
had killed twelve Christians. This makes him kneel to lieutenant-ge- 
neral Cromwell, as Indians to the devil ; for he saw Oliver first threw 

1 then , and can, with a wink, do as much for ; like Mi- 

lo, in the Olympicks, who, by practising on a calf, grew strong enongh 
fora bull, and could with ease give a lift to an ass. The great Turk was 
sending his ambassador to congratulate the assembly's proceedings against 
the Christians; he ordered them thanks for licensing his alcoran to be 
printed in English ; but hearing Ottoman Cromwell had talked of 
inarching to the walls of Constantinople, that ambassy was stopped. 
The only difference betwixt the assembler and a Turk is, that one 
plants religion by the power of the sword, and the other by the power 
of the scimeter: Nay, the greatest strife in their whole conventicle is, 
\Vhoshalldoworst; for they all intend to make the church but a se- 
pulchre, having not only plundered, but anatomised all the true clergy ; 
whose torment is heightened in being destroyed by such dull instru- 
ments, as the prophet Isaiah was sawn to pieces with a wooden saw. 
The assembler wonders. that the King and his friends live still in hope ; 
he .thinks them all St. Clemens's case, drowned with an anchor tied 
about his neck. He has now got power to visit the universities; where 
these blinking visitors look on eminent scholars (as the blind man, who 
saw men like trees) as timber growing within the root-and-branch or- 
dinance. The assembler has now left scholars so poor, that they have 
scarce rags, wherewith to make paper. A man would think, the two 
houses intend to transport the universities, since they load asses with col- 
lege-revenues : For though these assemblers made themselves heads, they 
are rather the hands of colleges, for they all are takers, and take all. 
And yet they are such creeping tyrants, that scholars are expelled the 
two universities, as the old Thracians, forced from their country by rats 
and mice; so that learning now is so much advanced, as Arrowsmith's 
glass-eye sees more than his natural. They never admit a good scholar 
to a benefice ; for the assembly's balance is the lake of Sodom, where 
iron swims and feathers sink. Their divinity-disputations are with wo- 
men or laymen ; and it is only on one question, episcopacy, where the 
assembler talks all that he and his friends can say ; though his best me- 
dium, to prove presbyters more ancient than bishops, is, That scribes, 
pharisees, priests, and elders were before the apostles ; yet, if a scholar 
or good argument come, he flies them, as much as if they were his text. 
This made him curse Dr. Steward, Dr. Laney, and Dr. Hammond; 
and, had he not had more brass in his face, than in his kitchen, he had 
hanged himself at Uxbridge, and ended with that treaty ; for he has 
nought of logick, but her clutched fist, and rails at philosophy as beggars 
do at gentlemen. He has very bad luck, when he deals in philology, 
as one of them (and that no mean man) who, in his preface to the 
reader, says, That St. Paul had read Eustathius upon Homer; though 
the apostle died a thousand years before Eustathius was born. The as- 
sembler's diet is strangely different; for he dines wretchedly on dry 
bread at Westminster, four assemblers for thirteen pence; but this 
sharpens and whets him for supper, where he feeds gratis with his city- 


landlord, to whom he brings a huge stomach, and news; for which 
crammed capons cram him. He screws into families, where there is 
some rich daughter, or heir ; but whoever takes him into their bosom, 
will die like Cleopatra. When it rains, he is coached (a classis of them 
together) rolling his eyes, to mark who beholds him. His shortest 
things are his hair and his cloke ; his hair is cut to the figure of three ; 
two high cliffs run up his temples, whose cape of shorn hair shoots down 
his forehead, with creeks indented, where his ears ride at anchor. Had 
this false prophet been carried with Habbakuk, the angel had caught 
fast hold of his ears, and led him, as he leads his auditory. His eyes are 
part of his tithe at Easter, which he boils at each sermon; he has two 
mouths, his nose is one, for he speaks through both ; his hands are not 
in his gloves, but his gloves in his hands ; for betwixt sweatings, that is, 
sermons, he handles little else, except his dear mammon. His gown, I 
mean his cloke, reaches but his pockets : When he rides in that manner, 
with a hood on his shoulders, and a hat above both, Is he not then his 
own man of sin with the triple crown ? You would swear some honest 
carpenter dressed him, and made him the tunnel of a country chimney. 
His doublet and hose are of dark blue, a grain deeper than pure Co- 
ventry; but of late he is in black, since the loyal clergy were persecuted 
into colours. His two longest things are his nails and his prayer ; but 
the cleanest thing about him is his pulpit cushion, for he still beats the 
dust out of it. To do him right, commonly he wears a pair of good 
lungs, whereby he turns the church into a belfry ; for his clapper makes 
such a din, that you cannot hear the cymbal for the tinkling. If his 
pulpit be large, he walks his round, and speaks as from c. garison ; his 
own neck ispalisadoed with ruff. When he first enters his prayer before 
sermon, he winks and gasps, and gasps and winks, as if he prepared to 
preach in_another world. He seems in a slumber, thenina dream: then 
rumbles a while ; at last he sounds forth, and then throws so much dirt 
and nonsense towards heaven, as he durst not offer to a member of par- 
liament. Now, because scripture bids him not curse the King in his 
thought, he does it in his pulpit, by word of mouth ; though feeaven 
strike him dumb in the very act, as it did Hill at Cambridge, who, while 
he prayed, ' Depose him, O Lord, who would depose us,' was made 
the dumb devil. This, one would think, should gargle his foul mouth ; 
for his only hope, why God should hear him against the King, is, The 
devil himself, that great assembler, was heard against Job. His whole 
prayer is such an irrational bleating, that; without a metaphor, it is the 
calves of his lips; and commonly it is larded with fine new wordy, as, 
savingable, muchly, Christ-Jesusness, &c. and yet he has the face to 
preach against prayer in an unknown tongue. Sometimes he is foun- 
dered, and then there is such hideous coughing ! but that is very sel- 
dom, for he can glibly run over nonsense, as an empty cart trundles down 
a hill. When the king girt round the Earl of Essex at Lcstwythiell, an 
assembler complained, That God had drawn his people into the wilder- 
ness, and told him, he was bound in honour to feed them ; for, ' Lord, 
said he, since thou givest them no meat, we pray thee, O Lord, to give 
them no stomachs.' He tore the liturgy, because, forsooth, it shackled 
his spirit, he would be a devil without a circle ; and now, if he see the 


book of common prayer, the fire sees it next, as sure as the bishops wert 
burnt who compiled it. Yet he has mercy on Hopkins and Sternhold 
because their mectres are sung without authority (no statute, canon, or 
injunction at all) only, like himself, first crept into private houses, and 
then into churches. Mr. Rous moved those meetres might be seques- 
tered, and his own rhimes to enjoy the sequestration; but was refused, 
because John Hopkins was as ancient as John Calvin; besides, when 
Rous stood forth for his trial, Robin Wisdom was found the better poet. 
Jt is true, they have a directory, but it is good for nothing, but Adon- 
iram, who sold the original for four-hundred pounds, and the book must 
serve both England and Scotland, as the directory needle points north 
and south. The assembler's only ingenuity is, that he prays for an ex- 
tempore spirit, since his conscience tells him, he has no learning. His 
prayer thus ended, he then looks round, to observe the sex of his con- 
gregation,and, accordingly, turns the apostle's men, fathers, and brethren, 
into dear brethren and sisters. For his usual auditory is, most part, 
female; and as many sisters flock to him, as, at Paris, on St. Margaret's 
day, when all come to church, that are, or hope to be with child that 
year. He divides his text, as he did the kingdom, makes one part fight 
against another; or as Burges divides the dean of Paul's house, not into 
parts, but tenements, that is, so as it will yield most money. And pro- 
perly they are tenements; for each part must be dwelt upon, though 
himself comes near it but once a quarter, and so his text is rather let 
out, than divided. Yet sometimes, to shew his skill in Keckerman, he 
butchers a text, cuts it, just as the Levite did his concubine, into many 
dead parts, breaking the sense and words all to pieces, and then they 
are not divided, but shattered, like the splinters of Don Quixot's lance. 
If his text be to the occasion, his first dish is apples of gold in pictures 
of silver, yet he tells not the people what pictures those were. His ser- 
mon and prayer grin at each other, the one is presbyterian, the other in- 
dependent ; for he preaches up the classes, yet prays for the army. 
Let his doctrine and reason be what they will, his use is still to save his 
benefice, and augment his lecture. He talks much of truth, but abhors 
peace, let it strip him as naked as truth ; and therefore hates a personal 
treaty ,unless with a sister. He has a rare simpering way of expression ; 
he calls a married couple, saints that enjoy the mystery, and a man 
drunk, is a brother full of the creature; yet at wedding-sermons, he is 
very familiar, and like that picture in the church at Leyden, shews Adam 
and Eve without fig-leaves. At funerals, he gives infallible signs, that 
the party is gone to heaven ; but his chief mark, of a child of God, is to 
be good to God's ministers. And hence it is, he calls his preachment, 
manna, fitted not to his hearers necessity, but their palate, for it is to 
feed himself, not them. If he chance to tire, he refreshes himself with 
the people's hum, as a collar of bells chears up a pack-horse. It is no 
wonder he will preach, but that any will hear him, and his constant 
auditors do but shew the length of their ears ; for he is such an 
'Agivrifoxo'juiu*, that, to hear him, makes good scholars sick, but, to read 
him, is death. Yet, though you heard him three hours, he will ask a 
fourth, as the beggar at Delph craves your charity, because he eats four 
pounds of bread at a meal. It was from his alarum, the watch-nutkers 


learned their infinite screw. His glass and text are equally handled , 
that is, once an hour ; nay, sometimes, he sallies, and never returns, 
and then we should leave him to the company of Lorimers, for he must 
be held with bit and bridle. Who ever once has been at his church, 
can never doubt the history of Balaam. If he have got any new tale 
or expression, it is easier to make stones speak, than him to hold his 
peace. He hates a church where there is an eccho, for it robs him of 
his dear repetition, and confounds the auditory as well as he. But, of 
all mortals, I admire the short-hand men, who have the patience to write 
from his mouth ; had they the art to shorten it into sense, they might 
write his whole sermon on the back of their nail ; for his invention 
consists in finding a way to speak nothing upon any thing; and, were 
he in the grand seignior's power, he would lodge himself with his mutes; 
for nothing, and nothing to purpose, arc all one. I wonder in conscience, 
he can preach against sleeping at his opium-sermons. He preaches, in- 
deed, both in season, and out of season ; for he rails at popery, when the 
land is almost lost in presbytery, and would cry fire, fire, in Noah's 
flood. Yet all this he so acts with his hands, that, in this sense too. his 
preaching is a handicraft. Nor can we complain, that plays are put 
down, while he can preach, save only his sermons have worse sense, and 
less truth. But he blew down the stage, and preached up the scaffold ; 
and, very wisely, lest men should track him, and find where he pilfers 
all his best similies, (the only thing wherein he is commendable, St. Paul 
himself having culled sentences from Menander's Thais, though it was 
his worst, that is, unchaste comedy.) Sometimes the assembler will ven- 
ture at the original, and then, with the translator of Don Quixot, he 
mistakes sobs and sighs for eggs and collops. But commonly, for the 
want of Greek and Latin, he learns Hebrew, and straight is illuminated, 
that is, mad; his brain is broke by a brickbat, cast from the tower of 
Babel ; and yet this empty windy teacher has lectured a war quite 
round the kingdom : He has found a circulation of blood for destruc- 
tion (as famous Harvey for preservation) of mankind. It was easy 
to foresee a great mortality, when ravens were heard in all corporations ; 
for, as multitude of frogs presage a pestilence, so croaking lecturers 
foretold an assembly. Men come to church, as the great Alexander 
went to sacrifice, led by crows. You have seen a small elder-tree grow 
in chinks and clefts of church-walls; it seems rather a weed, than a tree, 
which, lend it growth, makes a rent in the wall, and throws down the 
church. Is not this the assembler ? Grown from schisms, which him- 
self begot, and, if permitted, will make the church but a floor or church- 
yard : Yet, for all this, he will be called Christ's minister and saint, as 
the rebels against King John, were the army of God. Sure, when they 
meet, they cannot but smile; for the dullest amongst them needs must 
know, that they all cheat the people ; such gross low impostors, that 
we die the death of the Emperor Claudius, poisoned by mushrooms. 
The old hm-ticks had skill and learning, some excuse for a seduced 
church ; those were scholars, but these are assemblers, whose very 
brains, as Manichaeus'sskin, are stufted with chaff; for they study lit- 
tle, and preach much, ever sick of a diabetes; nor do they read, but 
weed authors, picking up cheap and refuse notes, that, with Caligula, 


they gather cockle-shells, and, with Domitian, retire into their study to 
catch flies. At fasts and thanksgivings, the assembler is the state's trum- 
pet, for then he doth not preach, but is blown, proclaims news very 
loud, the trumpet and his forehead being both of one metal; and yet, 
good man, he still prays for boldness; he hacknies out his voice, like a 
crier, and is a kind of spiritual adjutant, receives orders, and spreads 
them. In earnest, the states cannot want this tool, for, without him, 
the saints would scarce assemble ; and, if the zealots chance to fly out, 
they are charmed home by his sounding brass. There is not, on earth, 
a baser sycophant; for he ever is chewing some vote or ordinance, and 
tells the people how savoury it is; like him, who licked up the empe- 
ror's spittle, and swore it was sweet. Would the two houses give him 
cathedral lands, he would prove Lords and Commons to be jure diiino; 
but, should they offer him the self-denying ordinance, he would justify 
the devil, and curse them to their faces ; his brother kirk-man did it in 
Scotland. It is pleasant to observe, how finely they play into each 
other's hands; Marshall procures thanks to be given toSedgwick, for his 
great pains; Scdgwick obtains as much for Marshall, and so they all 
pimp for one another; but yet, to their great comfort be it spoken, their 
whole seven years sermons, at Westminster, are now to be sold in Fetter- 
lane and.Pye-corner. Before a battle, the assembler ever speaks to the 
soldiers, and the holding up of his hands must be as necessary as Mo- 
ses's against the Amalekites ; for he pricks them on, tells them, That 
God loves none but the valiant; but, when bullets fly, himself runs first, 
and then cries, All the sons of Adam are cowards ! Were there any me- 
tempsychosis his soul would want a lodging; no single beast could fit 
him, being wise as a sheep, and innocent as a wolf; his sole comfort is, 
he cannot out-sin Hugh Peters; sure as Satan, hath possessed the as- 
sembler, so Hugh Peters hath possessed Satan, and is the devil's devil ; 
he, alone, would fill a whole herd of Gadarenes ; he hath sucked blood 
ever since he lay in the butcher's sheets, and now, like his sultan, has a 
shambles in his countenance, so crimson and torrid, you may there read, 
how St. Laurence died, and think the three children were delivered from 
his face. This is St. Hugh, who will level the assembler, or the devil's 
an ass. Yoke these brethren, and they two couple like a sadduce and 
a pharisee, or a Turk and a Persian, both Mahometans. But the as- 
sembler's deepest, ;highest abomination, is his solemn league and cove- 
nant ; whereby he strives to damn or beggar the whole kingdom, out- 
doing the devil, who only persuades, but the assembler forces to perjury 
or starving. And this, whoever lives to observe it, will, one day, 
sink both him and his faction ; for he, and his oath, are so much one, 
that, were he half-hanged and let down again, his first word would be, 
covenant ! covenant ! 

But I forget, a character should be brief, though tedious length be his 
best character ; therefore I will give you, what he denies the seques- 
tered clergy, but a fifth part ; for weigh him single, and he has the 
pride of three tyrants, the forehead of six jailers, and the fraud of 
twelve brokers ; or take him in the bunch, and their whole assembly is 
a club of hypocrites, where six dozen of schismaticks spend two hours 
for four shillings a-piece. 





To clear the one, and cure the other. Forced in much Plainness and 
Brevity from thtir faithful Servant, Hugh Peters. 

Nunc nunc properandus et acri 
Fingendus sine sine rotd, 

London, printed by M. Simmons, for Giles Calvert, at the Black Spread-Eagle, 
at the West End of Paul's, 1647. Quarto, containing fourteen page*. 

'"I CHOUGH I have looked upon the scribblings of this age as the 
* fruits of some men's idleness, and most men's folly, and therefore 
should not willingly have owner! myself, if found among that rabble: 
yet, when it grows so unlimitedly high, and impudently brazen, that 
some men I know, men even above flattery, and so sleek and smooth, in 
their uprightness (among whom I place the present general and his 
second) that I had thought nothing of that kind could stick, and yet 
these besmeared by uncircumcised pens. 

I. Two things I resolved, which now I offer to the world. The first 
is an humble petition to the parliament, that they would please to try 
their now well-backed authority, that som* one faithful discreet man 
may be chosen to divulge gazettes, courants, or news, who shall be 
accountable to the state, for what he prints or communicates to the 
kingdom; and that two of each party (for parties there are) shall under- 
take for what is printed on the behalf of either, that so all scandalous 
and slanderous personal affronts may be avoided, and matters worth- 
time and reading may be published: or, if none of these may begotten, 
at least men may put their names to their papers, that honest men 
may know where to find an accuser; for, si sat sit accusare, quit erit 
innocent ? \ list not to answer objections may be made hereunto ; since 
this boundless kind of boldness were better curbed to some inconve- 
nience, then continued to a mischief, even the poisoning the whole 
nation : it should not be a wise man's quaere, what strength, wit, acute- 
ness, &c. runs through such a paper? but, cui bono? 

II. My second resolve is, though not to answer every late pam- 
phlet punctually, which rather thnn do, I might undertake to cleanse 
the stable in the story : yea, though my share lies so much in them, that 
it would be costly to purchase clean handkerchiefs to wipe off everj 
pattering on my lace, and I could as shortly, and more truly, answer 



all, as he did Bellarraine, with, Thou lyest ; knowing no public instru- 
ment, in no age, in no place, can travel without others dashing and 
dogs barking : yet, to prevent stones from speaking, and graves from 
opening, or some horrid unheard of thing from appearing, to satisfy the 
wide-mouthed world, and the black-mouthed pamphleteers; I shall, in 
plainness and faithfulness, shew you the army's wounds since they put 
up their sword, and, with them, the state's disease ; and, in humility, 
offer the cure, and leave all to a wonder-working God. 

First, let me tell you, negatively, the evils, commonly charged upon 
the army, are not the army's evils. We have generally causam pro non 
causa, in which Mr. Prynne was wont to exceed, who spoke much 
more than he meant to stand to : the sum of all his is the army's rebel- 
lion. Another pedantick sounds a retreat, who, being nameless, will not 
endure a charge ; the marrow of his divinity, non-obedience. Another 
brings the army to the bar, where he pleads with a company of balled 
threatenings, and would fright Fairfax with a sight of a king at White- 
hall. One cries, they sin against Caesar ; another, they have deflowered 
the parliament ; another, they have ravished the city ; another, they are 
sectaries, enemies to government, false to God, to man, friends, ene- 
mies to themselves. They have lost Ireland, ruined England : Oh ! 
taxes and free-quarter: Oh! this trinkling with the court, cries one : 
Oh! their doubtful carriage with the court, cries another : Cavaliers 
shalt up, cries one: we shall never see good day, says another. I do 
not tfhink Paul heard such a confused noise, when himself could hardly 
get leave to speak : that the word army must answer all the doubtful 
mischievous deadly questions in the world: for example; 
Who brings famine ? the army. 
Who the plague? the army. 
Who the sword ? the army. 
Who hinders trade ? the army. 
Who incenseth Scotland? the army. 
Who hardens the king ? the army. 
Who confounds all? the army. 

And if it should be asked the cavaliers and malignants, who con- 
quered you ? they would answer, the army : if the presbyters, who dis- 
appointed you? the army: if the independents, who leaves you in the 
dark? the army: and if Haman were asked, what he would do with 
these Jews? we know the answer: alas, poor army: qua! is de te narra- 
turfabula? But to my purpose; the grand complaint (which, as most 
insisted upon, so is most likely to have vulgar acceptance) is the army's 
disobedience to the parliament, by which the state was endangered to 
lose all consistency; in respect of which, the apprentices routing the 
house is but duty or innocency ; or, at worst, a parallel practice. 

To which this is my plain and full answer. 

It is confessed they were not willing to disband at Walden, being 
urged thereunto, and denied in Essex, when expected and pressed: but 
consider, 1st, It was required but conditionally, with regard to their 
security, indemnity, and arrears, and none of these performed; it wa* 
not such a monstrum horrendum. 

Sdly, They were free Englishmen as soldiers, and must maintain their 


obligation to the state, as well as answer the major and more corrupt 
votes of the house. 

3dly, Nature commanded their self-preservation, when such instru- 
ments were sent to disband them, and command them for Ireland, of 
whose non-integrity they had good experience. 

4thly, When not long before they could not have leave to petition 
their faithful general, how should they expect any thing, being dis- 
banded ? 

5thly, This piece of disobedience was not new unto them, when the 
same practice was familiar from men more mercenary in the north, and 
their denial never counted rebellion, but glibly swallowed. 

6thly, I answer, and I desire it may be observed : the first force evef 
put upon the parliament was long before this, and that nearer hand : 
did not the city remonstrance hang like a petard upon the parliament 
door week after week, and every ward in course, to attend and fire it? 
Speak, gentlemen of the house, how you were accosted and saluted, 
and in what language, till you were forced to speak pure London. 

7thly, I do here offer to make good upon oath, that the commanding 
party, in the house, had more force upon them to disband us, than we 
put upon the house in refusing. For proof whereof, master Anthony 
Nicholls, lately with us at Kingston, before his flight, being urged by 
myself, before another sufficient witness, to speak to this point, calling 
for a testimony from heaven, professed, that, when the army offered at 
first to go for Ireland, he with the other impeached members fully con- 
descended to it, and they gave him the agitation thereof; but, as he 
protested, the ministers in London came to them with violence, pressing 
the contrary upon this ground : that this army would soon conquer 
Ireland, fill it with schisms, and not only command it, but in a short 
time give law to England ; and therefore would hear of nothing but the 
disbanding it, which, quoth he, put us upon that violent course: now 
who forced these ministers? I do not say ; but you see who forced those 
parliament-men, and we know they would force the army; and upon 
denial the army are the forcers. And, if the city remonstrate rs durst 
speak, they can tell you who forced them to force the parliament: and 
if the apprentices would break silence, they could tell you who spit in 
their mouths, aud clapped them on the back. 

In all this I speak not my delight, but my grief, that so many pulpits 
should plainly witness this force, as history tells us who poisoned king 
John. And though we have not been ignorant of ihis kind of violence 
(which I had rather attribute to my brethren's zeal, than their malice) 
yet you see how tenderly we have dealed with those : we knowing many 
godly amongst them, who have not yet declared against them, com- 
plained of one of them ; nay, though this army, from first to last, never 
had any of these brethren to offer one sermon to us to encourage us in 
dangers, to rejoice with us in our success ; nay, though they know we 
want helps, and have been forced to use such help, as they have reviled 
us for, and so would have us make brick without straw ; nay, though 
we know most hard measure met us; I do profess I conceive evenGan- 
grana himself might have marched through the army unmolested, 

x 2 


though we arc not ignorant, hinc nostiifundi calamitas. The Lord pity 
and pardon, the army doth. 

Sthly, Lastly, The army durst not disband, not seeing a suitable 
power to stand betwixt honest men and their dangers; the garisons not 
possessed by men of trust, and the five thousand horse intended, not in 
such hands as to be wished ; and the best of them might be soon dis- 
banded, when the foot scattered. 

No, no, this is not the army's wound or sore; and, to answer the 
retreater's grand question, whence are wars ? I answer with the apostle 
James, and add : ' peace begets plenty, plenty pride, and pride war, 
and war begets peace, and so round again ' The school boy, that 
helped him to so many Latin ends out of Tally, can answer a harder 
query ; but, since he pretends to religion, I wonder this offended brother 
doth not attend the rule, Matth. xviii. Why cannot he as well speak 
to a brother offending, and so tell him, as to tell all the world of him? 
I have been satisfied in my own spirit, that the godly could not be much 
offended with us, since none have taken the liberty of speaking to us; 
which, I dare say, from the general to the meanest officer professing 
godliness, had not been unwelcome. 

But 1 look upon that author to be as great a stranger to the army, as 
he is often to his own principles, and his whole course to be a trade of 
retreating, and leave him to another pen. Nor is a general toleration 
the. army's gangrsena, when as they never hindered the state from a 
state-religion, having only wished to enjoy now what the Puritans beg- 
ged under the prelates; when we desire more, blame us and shame us. 
Neither was it the evil of the army, that, being modelled, they sud- 
denly closed, and marched at that time, when the boldest complainer 
now would have given them two parts of what they had, to have secured 
the third. Fri nds, it was not their evil to divide part of their force to 
Taunton, and, with another part, to fight at Naseby, and after that, 
by God's blessing, to deliver up a free kingdom to an ungrateful inha- 
bitant, and to an envious cruel piece oL a parliament ; nor did those 
honest-hearted, so much aspersed, Fairfax and Cromwell sin in owning 
the army at New-market; nor in their march from thence towards Lon- 
don; nor in their respects to those noble commissioners of parliament 
sent to them; nor in their courtesy, to those discreet citizens from Lon- 
don, who deserve much ; nor their condescending to their desires to 
march off upon promise of two things: First, that they would put out 
the imperious reformadoes. Secondly, in securing the house, though 
neither performed ; nor in scattering their forces at two hundred miles 
distance, and providing for Ireland ; nor in their return upon those 
confessed insolencies; nor in marching unto and through the city, to 
shew their harmless intentions; nor in securing the king in that junc- 
ture; nor in hearkening to their agitators in their just proposals; nor 
in asking money to avoid free quarter, and other burdens; nor in bring- 
ing those of the house, that fled to them, home again; nor in desiring 
a sound parliament, and clearing it from such persons as had shaken 
their publick interest; nor in propounding wholesome means to the house, 
and leaving them to their feet, to be enlarged, altered, or explained, to 
the kingdom's advantage; nor, lastly, are complaints against private 

A WORD FOR THE ARMY, &c. , 69 

aoldiers the proper evil of the army, since, when I speak of the army, I 
mainly intend their counsel and conduct; for you know, in such a 
body, that sickness in pay cause th death in discipline. But positively 
we will turn up our lap, and shew you our nakedness, et habebitis con- 
Jitentes reos. We acknowledge, we are reaping the ill fruits of our want 
of action : Scevior armis luxvria incubuit, victosgue vlciscitur. 

It may be, some of us have had our lordly clish in JaePs tent, and our 
head may be nailed to the ground ; we- may think, the war being ended, 
we may begin to look to our own comforts and subsistence; and we are 
apt to plead, who shall enjoy honour, and other advantages, but those 
that have won them through hazards? and thiuk they may be confided 
in. It may be, some of us look upon our shops and trades, as things 
below us. We want that communion with God, ami one with another, 
which we had in sad hours; we are forgetful of our mercies; we may 
be apt to quarrel one with the other, for want of an enemy. 

We may have such a neighbour of the court, that some of us may 
be planet-struck, yet I hope not principle-shaken; we may wander too 
much from our own first undertakings, in the opinion of others. 

We are not without varieties of thoughts about the matters of God, 
which never appeared when we had no time for talking, having so much 
to do and act. We cannot, we confess, live beyond our frailties, in 
many kinds : to be short, we have prayed more, loved more, believed 
more, than we do. We are grown effeminate with ease, and are more 
cowed with a dead dog, than we have been with a living lion; we are 
less in heaven, and more on earth ; and these truly, are our wounds, 
dear friends. 

Some other diseases there are as much considerable amongst others, 
which may be of greater and stranger influence, as, 

1 . All men's unbelief in God for the carrying on his work ; he is, 
not minded in the whole business. 

2. Our not designing a government from first to last. 

3. Our general, proud, and careless carriages towards the present 
differences, which make so much noise amongst us. 

4. A selfishness and negligence in -committees, and men intrusted, 
behaving themselves as. if they could keep their painted and well-stuffed 
cabbins when the ship is sinking. 

5. A general want of the fear of God, and that spirit of trembling 
before him, which, whilst it was upon Ephraim, he was a glorious 

6. An oscitant and untrussed kind of deportment in all men towards 
publick affairs; the truth is, the want of a publick spirit threatens ruin 
very much. 

7- Unwarranted jealousies of all men, and all actions ; yea, though 
convinced of each others faithfulness. 

8. Common unthankfulness and ingratitude to God and man ; I 
fear, shortly, the greatest error, in the kingdom, will be the famine of 

9- Delay to the distressed, making them more miserable than the 
matter of their complaints doth. 

10. A spirit of lying and false witness-bearing, reaching to the un- 
E 3 


dervaluing of our enjoyments; to say England is grown so poor by the 
war, is false; excepting what is blasted by some northern winds, our 
treasure is yet in the kingdom: London as rich as before; witness 
cloaths and diet; witness marriages and disposing of children, where 
piety, proportion, and parentage take little place, unless mingled with 
much red clay; witness the ready money for purchases, if cheap, 
though shaken titles in tottering times 

The Cure may lie in tfitsc. 

The army, you say, must yet be maintained, and we have thought 
of establishments, &c. to take off all offences occasioned by the army; 
either you must find action for it, which will answer much, or repar- 
titc it upon several counties, according to proportion, that every county 
may know their own men and their charge, by which the Hollanders 
have kept their army these seventy, or eighty years. I have formerly 
answered all objections may be made against it. The immediate pay of 
the soldier in every county, as it will cut off many unnecessary charges, 
so it will be easy and contentful to both parties, I mean the soldier and 
the landlord. 

2dly, Good men, not good laws, must save kingdoms; not that I 
would separate them ; therefore, I think that the first work to be at- 
tended; for, as the Venetians live upon their curious elections, so the 
Netherlands, by keeping their government in such hands as they do, 
though perpetuating offices to them hath proved dangerous. Good 
justices, good mayors, &c. had it been our first work, it would have 
been our best, and Englishmen can as soon conform to just and honest 
government, as any other people. See it in the army, how serviceable 
the worst impressed men have been under example; and characters to 
be given out for the elector, and elected, and for the managing of chiefer 
burgesses. What if every fifty, in every county, chose one to choose 
for them, &c. most men being ignorant of the worthiest of men, 

3dly, That all men, from the highest to the lowest, may know what 
they may trust to without delay, and to trust God with the manage- 
ment of it, if according to his will. 

4thly, Tythes, or something of analogy to them, brought into a com- 
mon stock in every county, will do two things, viz. keep a good propor- 
tion of money ready in every county, and content the preacher and his 
widow better; when in towns two hundred pounds, or one hundred and 
fifty pounds per annum, and in the parish one hundred pounds shall be 
certainly paid, and forty pounds to the widow, &c. as in other coun- 
tries they do; and hence raise a stock to set the poor on work in every 
county, the want of which hath been so much complained of. 

othly, That salaries may be appointed to all places of trust, that 
temptations to deceit take not hold of officers. 

6'thly, A committee for union betwixt all men truly godly; that we 
may swim in one channel (which is in hand) with free and loving debates 
allowed in every county, that we may convince, not confound each 
other: two or three itinerary preachers, sent by the state into every 
county; and a committee of godly men, ministers, gentlemen, and 
others, to send out men of honesty, holiness, and parts, into all coun- 
tries, recommended from their test. 


fthly, Three men yearly chosen in every parish, to take up differ- 
ences, which may be called friend-makers, as they do in other places 
with good success. 

Sthly, That the customs (by which great sums come to hand) may 
be in very choice hands, and their under-officers, in all parts, may be 
presented from those parts to them ; and out of two or three, so pre- 
sented, they choose one, if not just exception against him. 

pthly, That my former model for the navy may be reviewed and ac- 
cepted, wiiich was presented about two years -si nee; whereby the navy's 
debts may be paid, and two parts of three in 4he charge saved for the 
future, and the work better done. 

lOthly, That merchants may have all manner of encouragement; the 
law of merchants set up, and strangers, even Jews, admitted to trade, 
and live with us; that it may not be said, we pray for their conversion, 
with whom we will not converse, we being all but strangers on the earth. 

llthly, That foreign nations may have due respect by all fair cor- 
respondences with them, and intelligencers kept among them ; especially 
that Scotland may be used in all things as neighbours and friends, 
though not as masters and commanders. 

1 Sthly, That academies may be set up for nobility and gentry, where 
they may know piety and righteousness, as well as gallantry and court- 
ship (we commonly fetch over the dirt of France, rather than their 
excellencies), and that shorter ways to learning may be advanced; and 
that godliness in youth give them place in colleges before letters and 
importunity of men. 

ISthly, That the work of Ireland may not thus still be made a mock- 
work; but that the business may be carried on strenuously and vigor- 
ously by men to be confided in; who rnay take it upon them by the 
great, or day-work, either of these; there are good men will undertake 
it upon them, if fully countenanced with a good magazine and some 
money; for what we send now is but like a worm in a hollow tooth, it 
takes up no jaw. 

14thly, That no magistrates in matters of religion meddle further 
than as a nursing father, and then all children shall be fed, though they 
have several faces and shapes. 

15thly, That all men intrusted may have set time, place, and persons 
appointed, to give up their accounts unto of their employments. 

l6thly, Since the vast ana even incomprehensible affairs of this king- 
dom, by the present council, must have so many agitations and so 
many varieties pass upon them; two ways it may be cured: 

1. If nothing be taken into the house's consideration but res vere 
drduce, wherein the heart-blood of the kingdom runs, and no petty 

2. If a council of state of ten or twelve honest and godly well- 
byassed men might sit near the house, and these, not invested with 
power, might commend matters of high concernment to the house, and 
receive their scruples, and those to state also government of churches. 

17thly, That burgesses of parliament may be better proportioned, six, 
four, or two for shires, and some for great cities; that they give 



monthly orne account to the places intrusting them, and that some 
laws may be probationers for a month or two. 

iSthly, That some of the parliament may be appointed to receive 
such suggestions from friends for the good of the whole, which they 
cannot constantly bring in by way of petition. 

ipthly, That prisoners, especially for debt, may have dispatches, 
and not lose heads, hearts, and hands as well as heels, in gaols; and 
that the creditor may maintain them in prison: that poor thieves may 
not be hanged for thirteen pence half-penny; but that a gaily or two 
may be provided to row in the river or channel, to which they may be 
committed, or employed in draining lands, or banished. 

It were also to be wished, that our gentry find out callings, and that 
younger brothers may be better provided for by their parents, that some 
of them fall not on learning and the ministry as a shift, and some, which 
is worse, take up their employments in high-ways, or, at best, pester 
Ireland, or foreign plantations; and all to maintain the paintry and 
glister of the family, and too often to keep up the name and honour of 
it in a sottish and luxurious hire. 

SOthly, Quick justice makes quiet common- wealths; I look upon 
that as contenting the Hollanders, under their vast taxes, and excises, 
What they have they can keep, where, in *>very town, you may get jus- 
tice as oft^n and as naturally, as their cows give milk. The few advo- 
cates in Amsterdam will tell you what little use they make of lawyers, 
tvhere I have known a merchant dealing for thirty thousand pounds per 
annum, and in seven years not spend twenty shillings in law. 

And, if I might not offend the court and gentry, I would say the 
wrapping up of so many of them in gowns, and scuffling at Westminster, 
is Mfhrr a mark of their meanness and jejuneness, and our slavery and 
folly, than of any national glory: that, to this day, we can neither buy 
nor sell, convey nor make testaments, without great and questionable 
parchments: and for law mustj>'rare in verba, either of Littleton, Cook, 
or a casuist, ejusdem farina:, which would find a cure in keeping records 
in all counties of all men's estates and alienations, &c. and those trans- 
mitted to a grand or leiger record at Westminster; the strength and 
time, spent in term quarnls, were better bestowed upon the West In- 
dies, to which wo have been so often called, and would soon make an 
end of Europe's troubles by drying up that Euphrates. 

I know not what engagements the king hath. upon any, nor how the 
intercourse lies; but, before the c ; ose of new addresses, I wish the peo- 
ple might have two thinu-s granted them. viz. 

1. To understand by some wise statist what the true English of pre- 
rogative, priviK-gc, and liberty is. If these three bawling children were 
well brought to bed, th- whole house would be quiet. 

** .That a certain time might be appointed to chuse their burgesses 
undeniably, if they please to make use of it, with writs or without; what 
year this shall b gin i say not; but, if not granted, you shall hardly 
keep- tyranny out of doors. 

To close and cure all ; would this nation but follow the plain footsteps 
of providence in one thing, the work were done. 

Let us but consider, whether the Lord hath not pointed out his 


work unto us, viz. putting righteous men into places of trust, making 
way thereunto; as if the fulfilling of the many prophecies, and the ex- 
pectation of the just, were now to be answered. Witness the first and 
now second gaubling the parliament, the like in the city, the same in 
the army, no less in the ministry, as in the choice of Jesse's sons : nei- 
ther this nor that must serve but the least, that the whole kingdom hath 
been in the refiner's fire. The Lord would do us good against our wills: 
but we content ourselves to give him a. female when we have a male in 
the flock. This broke the axle-tree of the Jewish state and church, and 
that bought Aceldama. 

However, I am confident, God will carry on this work, which is his 
own; and to that end I look above all present agitations, knowing if we 
enter into our chambers, and shut our doors for a little moment, the 
indignation shall be overpast. 




Wherein is declared the wonderful bounty and patience of God, the 
wicked and monstrous unthankfulness of man, the unregarded inju- 
ries done to these creatures, groaning, as it were, to be delivered 
from the abuses proceeding from disdainful aspersions of ignorant, 
and from the intemperance of sinful man. 

1 Cor. xii. ip, 20, 21. 

If they were all one member, where would the body be? 
But now are they many members, yet but one body. 
The eye cannot say unto the hand, I have no need of thee, 
nor, again, the head to the feet, I have no need of thee, 

Dot veniam cords, vexat censura columbas. Juven. Sat. 

London, printed for I. C. 1647. Quarto, containing eight pages. 

Lectori candido et benevolo, S. P. D. 

Courteous and judicious reader, to thy view chiefly do I expose these 
my ensuing lines, being urged thereunto by the loud cry of two hor- 
rible wrath'provoking sins, now reigning amongst us, viz. unthank- 
fulness towards God, and uncharitableness towards man. These two 
like inseparable companions always go together, both dishonouring 


the Creator ; some unthankfully vilifying, and others intemperately 
abusing the creature; to reform which lies only in the magistrate, 
yet blame and aspersions are cast upon those who suffer most (by 
such lewd and prodigal offenders) I mean the distressed company of 
brewers, whose sad condition groans for speedy relief; a company 
very needful, and also profitable to this city and suburbs, yet looked 
upon with an unkind aspect, but occasioned by those who may be 
well affected, but, being mistaken in their judgment, can give no 
true and solid reason for it. But, according to that of the poet, 

Nonamo te Volusi, nee possum dicere, quare; 
Hoc tantum possum dicere, non amo te. 

WHAT, a vineyard in England? hath God been pleased to warm 
this western climate with a temporal blessing of so excellent a 
nature for the sustaining, yea, for the reviving of the poor woaried 
labouring men; and not only so, but also for the chearing up of the 
drooping spirits, and the gladding of the hearts of the sorrowful and 
afflicted ? this is no small favour, which hath s.o Jong been bestowed 
upon us in this accidental part of the world : but it is a wonder, that, 
for so great a blessing, we should return so little thanks unto the Al- 
mighty; yea, many amongst us take not so much notice of it, as to 
account it for a blessing; and others, more ungrateful, little knowing 
what the want thereof would produce, seem to loath it in their thoughts, 
by their disdainful expressions and aspersions east upon those creatures, 
without which this kingdom, especially near London, were in a sad 
condition, as I shall shew more plainly hereafter. And here is mani- 
festly seen, not only the great bounty of God, but also his exceeding 
wonderful patience, that, notwithstanding such murrnurings, he hath 
yet continued his blessing amongst us, though he sometimes threatened 
a dearth thereof. Thus God dealt with his Israel in the wilderness; 
although some murmured at manna, yet he withdrew not that favour 
from them. But our disdainers will say, it is their zeal against drunk- 
enness; J may as well say, O sinful zeal ! staggering and wavering no 
less through ignorance, than the drunkard through his intemperance. 
Because some do abuse the good creature of God by that detestable sin 
of drunkenness, shall others, therefore (such as would be thought to be 
religious) expose it to disdain ? nay, cry it down as a thing to be extin- 
guished ? let such ingenuously confess which they hold to be the greater 
sin, to abuse or to extinguish any of God's creatures; the abuse, by 
punishment duly inflicted, may be reformed; but to extinguish, or 
diminish the vertue of any of the creatures, is to deprive not only the 
offenders, but also the innocent, of the full fruition qf those creatures 
which God hath appointed for the comfort of mankind. 

After Noah had offended, and suffered reproach by his cursed son, 
did he, to manifest hi? detestation against that sin, give order to destroy 
that vineyard which he had so painfully planted ? had not this error 
been greater than thfe former? for he, that will serve God aright, must 
neither turn to the right hand nor to the left, but must walk before 
him in a straight path with an upright heart; to diminish or detracj: 


from the excellency of the creature, is to dishonour the creature. And 
it is a punishment from God upon a people, when a people degenerat- 
eth from its natural vertue, or is deprived of its proper excellency; as 
appeareth by the expression of the prophet, bewailing the sad condition 
of Israel: saith he, 'your silver is become dross, your wine is mixed 
with water,' Isa. i. 22. And our Saviour, who came to repair our ruins, 
and to purchase for us a better paradise than that which Adam lost, 
made it his first miracle to make water xvinc, and that of the best, 
John ii. 10. whilst some of us would turn our native wine into water, I 
mean our strong beer into beer of the least nourishment and meanest 
condition. For brevity's sake, let these two witnesses suffice, although 
the Holy Scriptures are full of expressions tending to the commenda- 
tions of those creatures most (I speak concerning temporal blessings) 
which are most cherishing to the vital spirits, and most preservative to 
the health and well-being of weak mankind. Thesame holy spirit, that 
pronounceth woes against gluttons and drunkards, commendeth Canaan, 
because it flowed with milk and honey, and corn, and wine, and oil, 
Deut. xi y, 14. And, although England hath not naturally the wine 
of the vine, yet it enjoyeth the plentiful fruition thereof; yea, in such 
an abundant manner, that many English prodigals, though vast estates 
have been left to divers of them, yet have complained more of the want 
of money than of the want of wine. But grant that these foreign plan- 
tations should fail us, or that we should be disappointed, yea, almost 
destitute of wine by some unexpected means proceeding from provi- 
dence, either divine or human, or that those ships that ventured, or 
those commodities transported for wine, should be otherwise employed, 
or improved to the inriching of the kingdom, that wine thereby should 
be scarce amongst us, yet hath England whereat to rejoice within itself. 
For of hops and malt our native commodities (and therefore the more 
agreeable to the constitutions of our native inhabitants) may be made 
such strong beer, being well boiled and hopped, and kept its full time, 
as that it may serve instead of sack, if authority shall think fit, whereby 
they also may know experimentally the vertue of those creatures, at 
their full height; which beer being well brewed, of a low, pure amber 
colour, clear and sparkling, noblemen and the gentry may be pleased to 
have English sack in their wine-cellars, and taverns also to sell to those 
who are not willing, or cannot conveniently lay it in their own houses; 
which may be a means greatly to increase and improve the tillage of 
England, and also the profitable plantations of hop-grounds, thereby 
inabling the industrious farmers to pay their rents, and also to improve 
the revenues of the nobility and gentry; and so much the more may 
they be pleased to add some of those places, which, as yet, are recep- 
tacles for wild beasts (parks and forests) in which may be erected fair 
and profitable farms, and so become comfortable habitations, for labo- 
rious and painful husbandmen, with no small profit to the owners 
thereof, und also to the general good of the whole nation; should part 
of those commodities, transported for wine, be more advantageously 
disposed of, and our vineyard at home be better husbanded and man- 
ured, and at lesser rates such good strong beer as shall be most cherish- 
ing to poor labouring people, without which they cannot well subsist, 


their food being, for the most pirt, of such things as afford little or 
bad nourishment, nay, sometimes dangerous, and would infect them 
with many sicknesses and diseases, were they not preserved (as with an 
antidote) with good beer, whose vertues and effectual operations, by 
help of the hop well boiled in it, are more powerful to expel poisonous 
infections than is yet publickly known, or taken notice of. 

And should the Almighty, being provoked by our sins, afflict these 
parts with the infection of the plague, in what a deplorable condition 
would the poor of this city and suburbs be, if they should be deprived 
of the comfortable fruition of good strong beer and ale? For the provid- 
ing whereof, the licensed well governed victualler is to be encouraged 
Ijy suppressing of unlicensed ale houses, which are the only receptacles 
6f drunkards, and by severe punishing those lewd livers, who frequent 
those disordered houses, which only dare harbour them, because, hav- 
ing no licences, they are in no danger of the loss thereof, and being ac- 
customed to their evil courses, both they that keep such houses, and 
they that frequent them, regardless of their reputation, by reason of 
continual impunity, grow impudent and fearless either of God or the 
magistrate, which causes scandalous aspersions to be cast on those 
which offend not : but the licensed victuallers, keeping good houses and 
good orders, paying taxes according to their degrees, are no less neces- 
sary for the poor neighbouring inhabitants, and also for strangers, as 
occasion may require, than any other retailing trade; for, as the brewer 
is the poor man's treasurer, so the victualler is the yeoman of the poor 
man's wine-cellar, providing and preparing, for present use, such sound 
well ripened beer, as the poor cannot provide for themselves, neither 
without it can they go on in their labour, unless beef, pork, and ba- 
con, and such hearty meat could be afforded them at a cheaper rate ; 
but, although such meats should prove more scarce and dear, yet, if it 
please God, in mercy, to send plenty of corn for bread and beer, we 
shall not hear the cry of the poor complaining of want, so long as, for 
a small matter, they can send for so much good bread and beer, as will 
suffice' their whole families, which is not only a sustenance against hun- 
ger, but a preservative against sickness. But grains, if they be taken 
hot, and put into a vessel fit for that purpose, they are an excellent 
bath for itching limbs; also they are good food for the cattle of this city 
and suburbs, without which, hay and other provisions would be ai a 
far dearer rate than usually they are. Thus we see that, among the 
many temporal blessings, which the Lord hath bestowed upon us, this 
is none of the meanest; the Lord in mercy grant us thankiul hearts. 
But, nescio quis teneros oculii mihifascinat agnos : behold a foul menster 
called ingratitude, with two prodigious heads and scorching eyes, hath 
cast such looks upon this our vineyard, as if like Balak and Balaam 
they were conspiring together to .bring a curse thereon, though of dif- 
fering dispositions, yet both dangerously provoking the Almighty to 
displeasure. The one of these heads is of that sort of people, who out of 
a fervent zeal to the glory of God the creator, forget to honour him in 
a right taking notice of him, in his mercy and bounty towards us in his 
creatures, but, with an austere countenance and supercilious eye, and 
speeches agreeable thereunto, slight and despise the creature, and those 


that deal therein, because abused by intemperate persons: thus the crea- 
ture is made the patient of evil, groaning as it were to be delivered there- 
from, and yet is burdened with hard censure, a double injury. Zeal 
without discretion is like, heat without moisture, every way destructive. 
Let such consider, if at any time afflictions befall them, would they be 
contented therefore to be evil thought of, because they fare so ill; nay, 
will not the calamity be the more heavy unto them, when they shall see 
that it lays them open to uncharitable censure? this is all one, as if we 
should afflict the innocent, because they are abused, and let the guilty 
escape and prosper according to that saying, Fcclix ac prosperum seeing 
virtus vocatur. Optimi corruptio pessima, is a destiny equally fatal to 
every good creature, and, the better the -creature is, it, being corrupted 
or abused, is so much the more dangerous arid hurtful; the sweetest 
ointment, being putrefied, becomes most noisome; and man himself, 
by creation the most honoured of all the creatures, being degenerated 
into a condition tending to cruelty and violence, is more insatiable and 
unavoidably dangerous than any beast. Nay, religion itself, which is 
ilia aurea catena that golden chain, whereby God and man, with rever- 
ence be it spoken, are so nearly linked together, John xvii. 11, 21. I 
say religion, which is that scala milliarium, by which we are directed 
the right way to ascend the heavenly throne of glory, is not free; quis 
talia fando teniperet a lachrymis ? from the foul abuses of audaciously 
wicked mankind, the profane person maketh a mock of it, the hypo- 
crite maketh' it his cloke for every occasion; but it will prove a mourn- 
ing one at the last, full of lamentations and woes. But this is not a 
subject now to treat of; wherefore I cease, but I shall not cease to 
mourn, although in silence curce leres loquuntur, ingentes stupent. Jgne 
quid utilius? what more needful than fire? yet many fair buildings 
have been destroyed thereby, shall it therefore be forbidden? then let 
not those, whose better fare maketh them so insensible of poor men's 
wants, deny them that good beer, which is so needful to their meaner 
food, because that some abuse it. But alas! who complaineth of that 
foul sin of gluttony ? which, as a grave insatiable, hath swallowed up 
many'of those good creatures, which are appointed for our nourishment 
and comfort; but, by the excessive abuse thereof, many of excellent 
parts have been much disabled both in body and mind from the free and 
happy use of those good gifts, which God bestowed upon them to be 
improved, and also employed to his glory; and that in their latter days 
must, which is that age of man which should be most adorned with 
wisdom by reason of long experience ; yet Ic-t not any cry out against, 
or lay any blame upon Eastcheap, plentiful Cheapside, or' Leaden. 
Hall, or either Fish-street, or any other of those fair and plentiou* 
markets in about this city, wherein God's bounty is 'manifested and ex- 
tended towards us in so large a manner; but rather, in a detestation of 
our own un worth iness, and unthankfulness, let us all cry out and say, 
nos, no* it/quant, desumus lapeti genus qui praesumus ; Prometheus the 
son of Japiiet, for the heathen look no higher but somewhat darkly con- 
cerning Noah, who was their two-faced Janus (who saw the end of tht 
old worH,and the beginning of the new) having, as poets feigned, stolen 
fire from heaven, and brought it amongst the sons of men, it occasioned 


many new and dangerous diseases ; even such is that zeal, which is not 
guided by true knowledge, and limited within the bounds of charity; 
it fills the mind with many strange and dangerous errors, corrupting 
the judgment, which are the diseases of the soul; but doubtless those, 
that are truly religious, will qualify and cool (I do not mean, extin- 
guish) the hot fervency of their zeal, with the sweet dew of discreet and 
pious charity, knowing, that God is a severe judge against those, who, 
passing by themselves, presume to censure others ; which is one of those 
crying sins, which the land now mourns. The other head of that 
wrath-provoking monster, ingratitude [si ingratum dixeris omnia dixeris] 
is that wretched sort of people, who falling, an infirmity proper to the 
drunkard, into the error of the left hand, are so besotted with the love 
of the creature, as altogether to neglect their duty towards the Creator, 
who is blessed for ever. Amen. 

This brutish sin, drunkenness, may be called a sin of sins, the fruit- 
ful mother of a numerous brood, hateful even among the heathen; the 
Turks, amongst whom our English beer is of more esteem, than any 
other sort of drink, are severe punishers of drunkenness; in Cairo, a 
fair city in Turkey, it is punished with death ; among the Indians, in 
some parts, it was so severely punished with death that they spared not 
the magistrate, but gave rewards to them, that slew him in the time of 
his being drunk; such was their cruel zeal, or heathenish severity, per- 
mitting no time for repentance, as being ignorant what belonged there- 
unto, nor to set their houses in order for the good of their posterity. 
But the indulgent lenity of our magistracy, to the endangering of many 
souls, hath so provoked the Almighty to take the matter into his own 
hands, that sometimes he hath also, for a warning to others, punished 
this sin by death; witness those untimely ends, some having died im- 
mediately in the sin, yea in the very house where they have so offended ; 
others have broke their necks off their horses, and others, going a ship- 
board, have fallen between the ship and the boat, and so have been 
drowned, a manifest token of God's displeasure against that sin. Neither 
hath he spared the glutton, though a sin less scandalous, because not 
to easily discerned; yet no less detestable in the sight of the all-seing 
Almighty, witness that rod of many twigs, I mean the many diseases, 
and divers weaknesses, pains, and infirmities inflicted upon their bodies, 
and also the unfitness of their intellectual parts to any thing that is 
good : but now, in this time of reformation, better things are not only 
hoped for, but also expected, that the magistrate may be pleased, for 
the glory of God, whose substitute he is, and for the good of the com- 
monwealth, whose welfare is committed to his care, to do his endea- 
vour, according to the power and trust committed unto him, to punish, 
according to the laws of this kingdom, those that wilfully offend and 
continue in those gross sins, the foulness whereof is expressed, Deut. 
xxi. 20, 21. Prov. xxiii. 21. Rom. xiii. 13. Ephes. v. 18. Those 
which are drunken are drunken in the night, saith the apostle, 1 Thes> 
v. 7 If such modesty was amongst those, who, as yet, were not con- 
verted to the faith, or perhaps, as yet, had no knowledge of the truth ; 
how great a shame is it, for such a nation as this, where the sound of 
the gospel hath been so long heard, to harbour such offenders, yca ? to 


let them pass unpunished ? the consideration of which, doubtless, will 
move the hearts of the pious magistracy of those times, to have a more 
vigilant eye over those irregular unlicensed private houses, which 
hitherto have been the more secure, because so little suspected, that 
not only the drunkards, but also the places of drunkenness, may be 
punished, whereby the good creatures may be delivered from those ser- 
vile uses, or rather freed from those base abuses, which they are ex- 
posed unto, by unworthy intemperate persons. And also, whereby 
those, who deal in those creatures, may the more chearfully go on in 
their lawful callings, and the more assuredly expect a blessing from the 
Almighty, upon their careful endeavours, that so the company of 
brewers may be looked upon as supporters and relievers of a great part 
of the poor of this city and suburbs, and be had in such respect, and 
enjoy such privileges, as a brother company and members of this city 
of London, according to that admonition of the apostle, 1 Cor. xii. 14. 
The body is not one member, but many, &c. and verse 18, God hath 
set the members every one of them in the body, as it hath pleased him, 
&c. which holy advice, let every one so observe and follow, that evil- 
speaking may be put away, that envyings and emulations may cease, 
that we may, all according to our degree, like stars in their order, 
fight against Satan, that common enemy to all mankind, who would 
deprive us of oar spiritual Canaan; as the stars, in their order, fought 
against Sisera, who would have deprived Israel of their temporal Ca- 
naan ; that the Lord may be pleased to shine upon these three king- 
doms, with the blessings of truth and peace; that the affrighting voice 
of the oppressor may cease, and the cry of the oppressed may be no 
more heard ; that all men may receive their due respect, not according 
to the greatness of their estates, but according to the manner of their 
getting those estates; that the ensuing year may be as it were a jubilee, 
wherein every true Israelite may return to his own proper inheritance; 
that the winter storms of wars, and rumours of wars, may cease, and 
truth may spring forth like a vine, with her clusters of plenty, and the 
peaceable voice of the turtle may be heard in our land. In the mean 
while, let every true-hearted Christian send forth such sighs and pray- 
ers to the Almighty, that he may be pleased to frame such hearts, in 
all the three nations, that with speed he may bring people from cap- 
tivity, that Jacob may rejoice, and Israel may be glad, which the 
Lord grant for bis mercies sake. 



Or, the independents victory over the presbyterian party. The rigour 
of the Scotclugovernment, their conniving and bribing; the lewdne& 
and debauchery of elders in secret. A tragi-coraedy. 

Diruo et adifico, tnuto quadrata rotundis, 
Printed in year 1647. Quarto, containing sixteen pag. 


Directory, the Scotch presbyter. 

Sargus, Luxurio, two lewd elders. 

Anarchy, an independent. Priscilla, his wife. 

Liturgy, an episcoparian. 

Moneyless, a courtier. 

A pursuivant, officers, mutes. 


Presbytery and independency 
Have long time strove for the precedency; 
Here one kills tf other; when you see him die, 
Wish his destroyer fell by liturgy. 

Enter Directory, Sargus, Luturio, two Elders. 

Direct. yT must be so. 

JL Sarg. If that he'll not comply : have you heard nothing 
from him ? 

Lux. No* he seems to slight our summons. 

Direct. Let him smart for*t, Luxurio, denounce him to the horn, 
after excommunication ipso facto: what madness doth possess him, that 
he'll not buy his peace ? 

Sarg. 1 sent one of my agents to him, who ga#e him timely notice, 
there was no way but punishment, except a feje. 

Direct. Have you already fram'd the warrant? 

Sarg. Yes, 

Direct. Read it. . [Sargus reads. 

Bishops Liturgy. 

We, the elders of the .congregation demoniack, upon information and 
notice of goitre scandals that you have given, whereof we are to take 


notice, do hereby, as officers of the church, require and command you 
to appear before us, on Tuesday the seventli day of February, Anno 
l64, to answer such things as shall be objected against you. 


Direct. Send it away with speed: fond man, doth he not know that 
we have scourged lords, and trod on kings? that temporal force will 
aid our spiritual plots; Knox and Melviil have left power to us, ample 
as that Rome's bishop claims; I'll make myself as great as him, if I get 
foot in England: I hug my genius that doth prompt me on. 
No dull and heavy fancy clogs my soul, 
"fis purest fire extracted from the pole. 

If that I can persuade the Englishmen to let me noose them, as their 
brethren, I'll spread my pennons further yet: 

And, like a comet in the evening sky, 
Strike with amazement every wond'nng eye. 
Let's be gone. [Exeunt. 


Enter Liturgy, Dipwell. 

Litur. And why new Jordan ? 

Dipw. If we give credit to the card, 'twill tell us, like to that river 
through which once Levites did bear the holy ark, New River flows, 
i Litur. But can those tender virgins, that resort there to be baptised, 
endure the bitter blasts of Boreas'* and Hyena's frosty breath, and not 
be much impaired in their health? 

Dipw. The water, without doubt, is sanctified ; and, as the holy 
martyrs, girt with flames, sang chearfully, as if they nothing felt, so 
compassed about with ice and cold, those, that we there dip, receive 
no harm. 

Litur. Strange delusions. 

Enter a Pursuivant, with officers. 

Purs. By the command o' th' ruling presbytery demoniack, sir, I 
arrest your person. 

Lttur. Where's your warrant? 

Purs. Here. 

Litur . Ha, my inveterate foes have all conspirM to work my ruin. 
Look here, friend; because I did refuse to come when summoned, nor 
sent a fee for my discharge, [shews Dipwell the warrant] so to main- 
tain their lust and luxury, who, by their daily prodigality, consume 
their aurum Tkolosanum, in riotousness, adultery, and fornication. O 
England! wilt thou be slave to these vermin? the vulgar do not know 
what will ensue, should they accept of a presbytery; those that do sit 
at helm will not discover it, for that it tends to uphold their pride ami 
wantonness ; good men are vassals to the vile ; 
The Crown stoops to ihe mace, 
The noble to the base. 



While that the fathers of the church do walk like men dejected and 

Mourning like doleful pelicans, and howl 
In desart places, like Minerva's owl. 
Who would have thought so flourishing a state, 
As England was but seven years ago, 
Should now become the pattern of all woe; 
Calamity and comfort comes and goes 
From state to state, as Neptune ebbs and flows; 
With human things, a thing divine doth play, 
Nothing arriv'd at height, but doth decay : 
Earth's toys are false, they bid us soon adieu, 
Her during sorrows are most certain true. 

Come, I'll along, Sir, with you: Mr. Dipwell, will you be witness of 
my usage with me ? 

Dipw. Sir, do not go, 'tis madness for a man to put himself into 
their hands that hate him. 

Litur. Should I not go, they'll give me oter to the temporal sword, 
and in the market-place proclaim me rebel, confiscate my estate, and 
send me into banishment. 

Dipw. Will Englishmen put on this Scottish yoke? I have a hope 
the independents may send hence this government to be abhorr'd, from 
England to Geneva, where 'twas born. 

Litur. Pray heaven it prove so. Now to my adversaries : my soul 
contemns their most usurped power, though now it overflows in tears, 
whose current overflows its banks. 

Where griefs virago, upon either hand, 
Worser than Scylla, or Cbarybdi", stand. 


Enter Anarchy, Priscilla, hit -wife. 

Pris. I'LL none of this same lousy learning to make my son a whore- 
master, e're he hath seen the age of eighteen years ; for, when they once 
come but to construe Ovid de artc amandi, their bowels yearn to occupy 
the nine. 

Anar. Away, thou fool ; doth not even nature tell us, that learning 
doth support the world, and taught the rustick clown the way to till 
the ground, to bind the corn in sheaves, and wield the flail ? 

Pris. I say, I will not make my sun a bc-ggar, expose him to contempt 
and scorn ; send him to Oxford, send him to Cairfax rather, and see him 
caper in a string; no, no, we, in this age of ours, the heavens be praised, 
have little use of learning ; if he can read his psalter, and cast up his ac- 
counts for bread and salt ; he's a sufficient scholar : Besides, heaven 
bless the parliament for their most pious acts in general and particular, 
that they have reduced those tippling black coats to a new modell'd 
garb, that, where before they drank too much, and eat too little, they 
now shall neither eat nor drink: What shall we do with such lobcocks, 


thai must sit all the week in taverns and ale-houses, and on the Saturday 
bestow two hours in study, which, when they utter the next day, there's 
none can understand it. 

Anar. The blind cares not, if Sol ne'er shine, they still can grope 
their way ; my son shall be a scholar, and let the worldlings wallow in 
tK,,,]n.-,.r whili hn thp Indies bears about him: none knows the learn<>H's 

Jesse's sons rare proverbs ; Livy's large book, next to the chronicles of Is- 
rael's kings, and Homer's deathless verse,- next unto David's lays : May 
hell conspire to cast plagues on those would not have learning be ad- 
vanc'd and honoured, whin ignorant armies, ignorant parliaments, igno- 
rant synods, ignorant fools and knaves 

Shall lie unthought of, rotting in their graves ; 

The learned's songs, when they in dust do lie, 

Shall wrestle even with eternity. 

Enter Moneyless. 

Mr. Moneyless, I joy to see you, Sir. 

Mon. Sir, I made bold to press into your privacies unawares; my 
ignorance will, I hope, purchase my pardon. 

Anar. Still complimenting; you courtiers feed on compliments as 
your meat; leave it, and take more solid food, a thousand of 'em will 
not staunch ones hunger: What news, what news abroad ? 

Mon. Faith, none that makes lor me; the King must not yet see 
Whitehall ; Cromwell won't have it so. 

Anar. We can grow great without him ; what profit doth the world 
receive by Kings, who, at the best, are but relenting tyrants, whose 
power is dissonant from God's appointment? How bravely Holland 
thrives, guided by States, where people rule the people ? There's a 
strong sympathy in nature; the mutual love they talk of, that was 
wont to be 'twixt subjects and their Kings, is now lor ever lost. 

Mon. Sir, I know you are an enemy to monarchy, and would digress 
even from your principles, should you allow of kingly government, which 
makes your words invalid. 

Anar. Well said, I like thee, that adversity's bleak storms have not 
unriveted thy fix'd resolves, but thou still art faithful to thy master. 
O, Courtier, curse them that have caus'd thy woe, * 

That like a skeleton thou now dost show : 

You came, I know, to dine with me, and are most welcome : What 
printed news abroad ^ 

Mon. As I was coming to you, I met another meagre courtier's face, 
*nd he shewed me a song, of which I begg'd the copy; I hope 'twill 
not offend your ears, if I do sing them to you. 

Anar. Not the least, let's hear. 

Moneyless sings. 

THE King shall now enjoy his own, 

And have the sovereignty, 
Once more fill his refulgent throne 

Like to some deity. 

T 2 


But first of all his charge must hear 

For things most trivial ; 
Three kingdoms blood, Lilburne doth swear, 

Upon his head must fall. 

The parliament, as some report, 

Intend for to disband ; 
And, if they would, we'd thank them for't, 

And something give in hand. 

They now have seven years sat, 

And yet it will not be, 
The army (shall I tell you what ?) 

Will never make them free. 

Is it not pity, that at last, 

When they intended flitting, 
They should out of their house be cast, 

And suffer for their sitting ? 

And all the gold that they have got, 

And without fear extorted, 
For to enjoy is not their lot, 
O they are strangely thwarted. 

His Majesty is quitted now 

Of Brown that wooden jailor, 
And in his stead, they do allow 

Joyce, that same prick-louse tay lor. 

*Tis very good to ease our teen, 

The army are so witty, 
And many thousands of them seen 

Incompassing the city. 

Why sure it cannot but well hap, 

And prove a good purgation, 
That fourscore members, at a clap, 

Are forced from their station ? 

* The propositions now are gone, 

And surely now the King 
Will ratify them every one, 
But I tear no such thing. 

He cannot sure dare to resist, 

If he intend to eat, 
For 'tis well known he long hath mist 

His wonted clothes and meat. 

Our dearest brother (Jockey) now 

Is his destruction wooing, 
And very fain would something do 

To his undoing. 


Their long-eared assembly 

Do grieve and groanin ire, 
That their compounded presbytery 

Should back to them retire. 

Truth is, how much the more, at first, 

Our splendor shined bright, 
We are so much the more accurst, 

Inveloped with night. 

How like you this? 

Anar. 'Tis an excellent song, yfaith ; Shall I, Mr. Moneyless, crave a 
copy of it? 

Mon. Both I and it are at your service. 

Anar. Come, Mr. Moneyless, 'tis almost dinner-time, time was you 
welcomed me j 'tis fit I should be grateful ; come wife. 

Exeunt Anar, Priscilla, manet Mon. 

Did I e'er think that want should so oppress me, that I should be con- 
strained to wait on this man for a dinner? 

Yet, of my wants, how dare I so complain? 
Shall I not suffer with my sovereign ? 

Whom yet I'll not despair to see plac'd in his throne, his crown on's head, 
his scepter in his hand ; the citizens now do triumph o'er the courtiers : 
O why should fortune make the city proud, 
And give them more than is the court allow'd ? 
The King's own brightness his own foil is made, 
And is to us the cause of his own shade. 



Recorders, a Consistory of the Presbytery ; then enter Dwectory, Sargus, 
Luxurio, after them, with officers, Liturgy, Dip-wdl afar off. 

Direct. BRING forth those weeds of shame apparel him. \Acoat 

ofsackloth brought out.] 
Litur. I hope I shall have licence for to speak. 

Direct. Not a syllable ; 'tis known thou art by name and nature an 
enemy to our government, and hast avouch'd it to be tyrannous ; saying, 
that Scotland, by their policy in bringing their church-form amongst us, 
do put assassinate our monarchy, thirsting to be our lords, all which 
here openly recant, or we'll surrender thee. 

Litur. I recant, ye Cacodemons ; hear me, and mark, 
First, leathern swains shall plow amid the sky, 
Thames turn his course, and leave his channel dry; 
Sodom's dead lake revive, and entertain 
Leviathan and Neptune's hungry train ; 
Fishes tlte flood forsake, and fowls of heaven 
Bedeck'd with scales, and in the ocean driven; 
The brightest flame of heaven shine by night, 
And horned Cynthia give diurnal light, 


Before I change my settled constant mind, 
To damn myself, that you may count me kind ; 
Cernonian stairs. Phalarian bulls, nor all 
Torments that flow from cruel tyrants gall ; 
Tarpeian ;..ountains, altars of Busire, 
Or furnaces of Babylonian 6re, 
Sha'nt make me stoop to such base fools as you, 
Or unto your intentions for to bow. 

Sarg. He raves : Sir, these loose words \ill but augment your sor- 
row in the end ; do you know where you are ? 

Litur. Very well, lecherous Sargus, better than thou knowest to be 

Direct. Stop his mouth, were ever heard speeches so desperate ? 
Dare you, before this holy convocation, to prate so peremptorily ? 
Litar. Dare you, ye sots, assume unto yourselves the name of holy ? 
Methinks your checks should, knowing you to blame, 
Out-blush the crimson of your gowns for shame; 
You are nv>re cruel than the crocodile, 
That mangles Mrmphians on the banks of Nile ; 
That kills, with weeping tears, for hunger's need, 
But you can smile, anrl murder for no meed. 

Lux. Venerable fatht rs, this is unsufferable ; if with audaciousness 
you thus dispense, hereafter never look to be reverenc'd, but to be 
scorn'd and laugh 'd at. 

Direct. Satan hath sure inspired him ; bring forth the engine ; sup- 
port him up. [The stool of repentance brought Jorth, contrived in the 
fashion of a pulpit, corend over with black. 
Litur. He that lays hand on me, encounters death. 

[Plucks forth a dagger. 

Direct. Hear then your sentence: Since you deny to be a penitent, 
we here confiscate all is yours, to be employ 'd for pious, yourself 
within three days for ro depart the land, and never to return, on pain of 
death; this is your doom, and now break up the court. [Exeunt. 

Litur. O my mild judges, you shew) our pity arid your piety; your 
utmost wrath can't hurt my inward man, I there am still the same, and 
not exil'd. 

Guilt sorrow, shame, horror attend you still, 
AIM! let wild Ate lead you where she will. 

Dijrw. Heaven keep me stedfast to my principles, Is this a limb of 
the presbytery ? 

Direct. Yes; but his merits make him fit to be lopped off, for it; 
Who could be infrcttd worse than they ;.re? 

Dipw You hear your sentence, will you dopart the land? 
^ Litur. No, I'll not forsake my native soil upon such slender grounds, 
live a while in private ; I know an independent army will crop 
presbytery in the bud, and break this bed of snakes, the only way that 
now is visible for to repair my breaches ; O thou etern, the true al- 
mighty Jove, suffer not innovations to go on, to bring this kingdom to 
destruction; but why, alas, do I now talk of Jove ? 


For now, alas ! no Jupiter is found, 
But in all lands Pluto a God is crown'd. 



Enter the two elders, Sargus and Luxurio, tinging, 

Sarg. NOW sable night hath with her ebon robe 
Darken'd the surface of this earthly globe, 
And drowsy Morpheus, with his leaden key, 
Lock'd up the doors of every mortal eye ; 
Come let us fall unto our wonted games ; 
Let us be blith, and nourish wanton flames. 
Lux. What L yncian eye discerns our lewd delight, 
Cover'd with darkness of the cloudy night ? 
Why should we censure fear, or idle sound 
Of human words, that are inviron'd round 
With marble walls? The wit of mortals can 
Not find our wiles, past finding out of man, 
And heaven regards not the works of men ; 
Come let us boldly feast and frolick then. 
Sarg. Come forth, ye creatures of delight, 

And let us in embraces spend the night. 

[Six -whores put forth on two beds, three on a bed, musick, they rise and dance 
with the two elder*. 


MEET, meet, and kiss, 

And girt each others waist, 
And enjoy the lover's bliss, 

Until the night be past. 
Elders, that are holy men 

All day, must sport at night. 
So, so, to't agen, 

Twill heighten appetite. 

Sarg. Those three are thine, these mine, let's to't 
Like monkies, or the reeking goat. 
[They ascend each on a several bed, and are drawn in. 


Enter Priscilla sola. 

Prise. Methinks the hours fly not with winged haste as they were 
wont, or is*! the expectation of my love, that makes the night seem te- 
dious ; my heart extremely throbs, methinks the walls seem as wash'd 
oer with blood ; 'tis my fantasy, thought, like a subtle juggler, makes 
us see things that really are not; there's something in me whispers fatal 



things, and tells me 'tis not safe to sleep betwixt my lover's arms to- 
night: why, sure I dream, I was not wont to have thi-se dubious fan- 
cies? I have begun to love him, and will now never desert his friendship 
until death; but thus 1 tamper poison for myself; but, were I sure to 
drink the baneful draught, I could not now go back : 

For, when the flesh is nuzzled once in vice, 

The sweets of sin make hell a paradise. 

Enter Directory. 

O you are welcome, Sir. 

Direct. Worthy of all love's joys, Hast thon not blamed my tardy 
stay ? Thou art most certain, sure, thy husband is far off; if he should 
take me with thee, his jealousy and wrath might prompt him to strange 

Prise. I have not the least fear of his approach. 

Direct. Come then, my Ptixdra, and let us taste those joys thy hus- 
band is unworthy of. 


Directory and friscitta put forth in a bed, both sleeping. 
Enter Anarchy, "with a torch. 

Anar* TITAN to the Antipodes is gone, 

TO luminate another horizon : 

'Tis now dead midnight, Morpheus, death's eldest brother, 

Hover about this place, and charm the sense 

Of these two creatures made of impudence ; 

Are they so shallow, to conceive that I 

Am made of mimical pantomimy ? 

O woman, woman, who art compounded of all ill, I durst have 
pawned my soul, this wife of mine had harboured a soul as white as the 
Alpine snow ; but she is ulcerous and deformed. Who knows how 
often they have met and wallowed in their active sweats ? What woman 
may be trusted ? 

Lust is a subtle syren, ever training 

Souls to destruction, by her secret feigning : 

She is the prince of darkness' eldest daughter, 

Wanting no craft her cunning sire hath taught her: 

Tis like Medusa's tress ; and, if it be 

Twin'd in the body of man's living tree, 

Man's heart of flesh converts, if he have one, 

By secret vigour, to unliving stone. 
Damn'd strumpet, have I ta'en you with your lecher? 

African panthers, Hyrcan tygers fierce, 

Cleonian lions, and Danonian bears, 

Are not so ravenous, whom hunger pin'd. 

As women that are lecherously inclin'd* 


But I prolong their lives, and tire the ferry-man with expectation. 
Stay, it is not wisdom to cope with two that struggle for their lives. 
these are the bonds of death. [Ties them to the bed.] So awake, you 
lustful pair. [They awake. 

Direct. Ha ! we are undone. 

Anar. Yes, Directory, c-'re winged time add one hour more to this 
declining night, thou shall be numbered with the dead. 

Direct. O my unhappy fate ! 

Prise. Dear husband, spare our lives, and then inflict what punishv 
ment thou wilt. 

Anar. O my fine Directory, earnest thou from Scotland hitherto 
cheat us out of our religion, our lives, our king ; and, covering thy ills 
with virtue's cloke, act even those crimes, which but to hear them na- 
med would fright the cannibals ? And shall we not strive to circumvent 

Direct, I pray, hear me, Sir. 

Anar. Hath guilt emboldened so thy mind, that thou darest view my 
face, and speak ? 

Prise. Sir, I confess, my crime cannot be expiated, but with blood ; 
but, if mild pity harbour in your breast, I do implore your mercy. 

Anar. Peace, vile strumpet; thou mayest as well attempt to scale 
the heavens, and ride on the sun-beams, as strive with talk to mitigate 
my fury, and stay the course of my revenge ; but first, good Directory, 
I ssill stab you by the book, and torture you, not opening a vein. 

Dumb Shew. Solemn Mvsicfc. 

One, representing Directory, accompanied with a rabble in the habit of el- 
ders, running asjlyingfrom soldiers, who pursue them with their sivords 

Did you behold the pageant ; great Babylon is fallen; an English army 
hath extirpated presbytery, root and branch ; the elders may, in Scot- 
land, court Susanna, here are too many Daniels to sift them ; and now, 
Sir, you must go, but not to Scotland ; that's but purgatory ; yet where 
you'll find many blue bonnets more, I mean to hell. Thus I dismiss 
thy soul. . 

Direct. Hold, Sir, and, e're you send my soul to wander in the in- 
visible land, hear what I now shall utter : By heaven and earth, and 
him that made them both, I ne'er was guilty, not in thought, till this 
dire hour, of the defiling of your marriage bed. 

Anar. Dost think, dull fool, that all thy protestations, thy heav'd up 
hands and sighs, were they as numerous as the sand hid in the Baltick 
sea, should raise my heart for to relent ? No, in thy death England 
gathers life, whose happiness I wish : Thus for it work. 

[Stabs him with a ponyard. 

Direct. O ! thou hast op'd a flood-gate, which will not close, till my 
heart-blood is drain'd. 

Pries. If thou wer't born of woman, spare my life. 

Anar. O thou luxurious strumpet, hath not thy guilt, or fear, bereft 
thy tongue of utterance? Methinks thou should'st, when thinking on 
thy fact, convert to stone, and save my hand a labour to send thee tt> 
another world. There, strumpet. [Stabs her. 


Prise. O heaven ! 

Anar. So How like you this? Phlebotomising only can cure the 

fever in your blood. Why don't you mingle limbs? Get up and 
at it. 

Direct, Like to a ship dismember'd of her sails, and cuffd from side 
to side, by surly waves, so doth my soul fare : 

As that poor vessel, rests my brittle stay, 
Nearer the land, still nearer cast away. 

Presbytery in my fall receives its mortal wound, and ne'er must look in 
England to bear sway. O, O, I see in this the power of Providence : 
Whose stronger hand restrains our wilful pow'rs, 
A will above doth rule the will of ours. [He dies* 

Anar. He's dead, but she remains with life: And wilt thou not ac- 
company thy lecher, that he may man thee into Charon's boat? 

Prise. My soul disdains her habitation, and now will needs be fleeting: 
Know, Sir, for now I fear not all your fury, I lov'd Directory as my own 
soul, and knew him oftener than yourself; for which may heaven for- 
give me! For his sake I could wish to live, but now he's gone, what 
should I do on earth ? 

Death our delights continually doth sever; 
Virtue alone abandoneth us never. [She dies. 

Anar. She's gone ; farewell for ever : May heaven forgive thy fault ! 
I would not prosecute revenge so far, as wish thy soul destruction : 
What now remains for me ? I must be gone far hence, e're Sol visit our 
horizon ; let fortune do her worst. 

Her frowns he fears not, nor her hottest alarms, 

That bears against them patience for his arms. Exit. 


Being a pathctical complaint and motion, in the behalf of our English 

nation, against her grand, yet neglected grievance, Normanism. 

QiKenam (malum) est isfa voluntaria serpitus ? 

Cicero, in Orat. Philip. I. 

London, printed for Richard Wodenothe, at the Star, under Peter's Church in 
Corntull. 1647. Quarto, containing twenty-eight pages. 


THIS essay having long* waited for room and free audience on the 
publick stage, doth now appear : If thou hast a mind to quarrel 

Being writtea Anno Domini, I6i2. .... 


with it, it must be against the matter, or the form ; against the 
matter thou who art English canst not, without betraying either 
thy ignorance, in not knowing thy nation's dearest * rights, or thy 
impit ty in opposing them, being no other than what she en- 
joyed, and joyt-d in, till she l>Si them by perfidious robbers. 
But if it be the form that thou di*relish(*t, 1 confess, it needs 
much favour, and then-fore should gladly have seen thee, or some 
other, to have prevented it with a better ; yet, for thy better bearing 
with the prolixity of the historical part of it (occasioned by the co- 
piousness ol the subject, worth, and opposite arrogance) thou mayest 
remember, that it was King Ahasuerus's choice recreation to review 
the acts of his ancestors, and that the Ji-ws could hear even St. Ste- 
phen reciting their high pedigree patiently ; however, it shall suffice 
me in this business to have attempted to have done worthily, and I 
doubt not but every true Englishman will not only indulge the work's 
weakness, but also lend both his heart and hand in all lawful means 
toward the accomplishing of its demands, as without which obtained, 
at least in a good degree, this nation can never be honourable, nor, 
consequently, happy. Vale. 


WHILE I behold and revolve the great and laborious inversions'and 
eversions of things effected by the representative body of this 
kingdom, in this and precedent parliaments, with that liberal and vast 
expence of English blood, lives, labour,and cost, which, with the height 
of animosity, and seeming magnanimity, former generations have be- 
stowed, and the present doth not spare in asserting the publick causes 
of this nation, and all, excepting what is about some ecclesiastical nice- 
ties, for the securing, or enlarging, of our estates and privileges fiom do- 
mestick oppression, and concentered in the object of ease and commo- 
dity, and such like petty advantages; I cannot but with shame and 
grief of mind look upon the genius of our nation, as seeming to have 
transmigred from that metamorphosed prince of Chaldea, who, being 
transmitted from the top of humanity, into the condition of beasts of the 
field, for a great part of his ensuing age, made fodder, and other brutish 
accommodations, the proper subject of his content and contentions, not 
harbouring, in the mean time, a back-looking thought towards that royal 
estate, by the possession whereof, he had been once the most eminent of the 
mortals of his age ; or, as resembling some strange hero, who being cap- 
lived, and marked for a slave, should have his senses so captivated also, 
as to be more ambitious to be chambered in his jail, and to glitter in gilt 
fetters, than to be restored to his lost freedom and reputation, contend- 
ing with earnest extremity for the one, but not breathing so much as a 
wish for the procurement of the other. 

That this is our case, I would that the heavy, long, and overlasting 
heaven grant not everlasting, groans of the hereditary liberty and honour 
of our nation (the choicest and most essential fundamentals of her tem- 
porary well being, and the most precious part of her earthly patrimony 
he happy ornaments of her youth) long since overthrown, and for many 

.. The title and quality of a free natiou. 

92 ST. EDWARD's GHOST, &c. 

ages together, lying patients, most wretchedly, under a mass of unworthy 
oppression, did not too evidently evince, whilst we, her sons, in the in- 
terim, sparing no endeavours in the behalf of our less valuable rights, are, 
in this respect, so stupidly senseless, that whereas we have cause enough, 
with that iEnean prisoner Encrladus (the eternal monument of dejected 
greatness) to testify the weight of our disgraceful burden with fiery sighs, 
and sulphureous blasts of indignation ; we, contrariwise, are so far 
from any reluctance, as to lie in a dead sleep under it, as under our 
grave-stone; having inscribed thereon the epitaph of our honour in red 
letters of shame, not daring, or not willing, so much as to breathe forth a 
complaint, or to wish for a removal of that, than which there is nothing 
under heaven more insufferable to ingenuous men, and to such as would 
be accounted other than the progeny of Cham, preordained to servility. 

This mountain of dishonour, which the English name hath 
so long groaned under, and yet we have never once adventured to 
complain of, much less endeavoured to remove, is no other than 
that infamous title of a conquered nation, and that by so in- 
famous a conquest ; but, more especially, the still visible fetters of our 
captivity, the evidences of that title ; those foreign laws, language, names, 
titles, and customs, then introduced, and to this day, domineering over 
ours; our stupid degenerateness consists in this, That in all our conten- 
tions by pen or sword, in all the essays of our poets or orators, (except- 
ing some few, whereof Vergestan deserves to be memorised.) I could 
never yet find any considerable endeavour for our vindication from this 
thraldom and disgrace; but rather, like tamed creatures, orunnaturalled 
Janizaries, we sooth and applaud ourselves in these gives and servile 
robes, as patrician ornaments; and (that, which, methinks, no true En- 
glishman can observe without indignation) many of those that would be 
accounted to have honoured our land, with their pens, have placed that 
their honouring us for a great part, in celebrating the glory of that Nor- 
roanism and Francism, which the desert of our sins hath inflicted on us, 
and seem to have sacrificed their love and duty to their own nation, to- 
.gether with their discretion, for an holocaust on the altar of that name, 
which is diametrically enmity to the English; and such are those that 
ascribe so much worth to the Norman blood, and strive to pen up all no- 
bility and gentry within the accursed catalogue of those names that came 
from the Gallick continent. 

Indignities that merit a Lucan's genius, and Tully's dicendi tis, to lay 
.open and explode them ; but since the such of this nation, contrary to 
my perpetual and earnest wishes and expectation, are undutifully silent 
herein ; duty to my country shall make it no indiscretion in me to un- 
dertake the task, though, alas! performing it rather by an intimation, 
than due illustration of the truths which follow. 

There is no man that understands rightly what an Englishman is, but 
knows withal, that we are a member of the Teutonick nation, and de- 
scended out of Germany; a descent so honourable and happy, if duly 
considered, as that the like could not have been fetched from any other 
part of Europe, nor scarce of the universe; which will be plain and ma- 
nifest, if we take a just survey of the gloriousness of that our mother na- 
tion, and that in the sundry respects of her ancient and illustrious ori- 
ginal, her generous qualification, and magnifick and warlike nature; her 


alchievements, domination, greatness, and renown ; her Majesty, and 
other heroical points of excellence, wherein she is so transcendent, and 
which make her so princely, as that no other nation in every respect^ , 
the Scythick excepted, may, without arrogance, dare to compare with 

To begin with her original, of it I may say as Virgil of Fame, caput 
inter nubila condit; she is a primitive nation, and vaunts ber descent 
to be from no other place, than from the top of Nimrod's tower, where 
was made the first division of mankind into nations ; she derives not her- 
self, (like those of her neighbours that boast so much of their great 
birth) from the conquered relicks of ruined Troy, whence also Virgil 
took so much pains to deduce his Romans, or from any other nation; 
but, as most conceive, the first transmigration, that the Teutones made, 
was, as is aforesaid, from the building of Babel, from whence they were 
conducted by the great Tuisco, whose name they still retain, and placed 
in those seats, which they have not only ever since defended against all 
invaders and intruders, but also most notably enlarged the same upon 
their neighbours; others, in more ignorant times, conceited they had 
their original and spring (like the giants, Myrmidons, Cadmus'snew men, 
and other warlike breeds) from the soil and earth under them, as which 
was never known otherwise, than appropriate to their name and pos 

To this antiquity of the Teutonick house, there wants not a conspiring 
quality of blood effectual to make it the most illustrious and first nation 
of Christendom ; for Corner, Japhet's eldest son, is acknowledged, by his- 
torians, to have been the first king and possessor of Europe, whose heir 
and first-born was Askenaz, the father and denominator of the German 
nation ; the Jews, at this day, calling the Germans Askenites, and the 
Saxons, our progenitors, as the most noble tribe, still retaining, with a 
little metathesis, as well the name as blood of the same roval patriarch ; 
but whether he were one and the same with Tuisco, or else his progeni- 
tor, is left uncertain. 

For the general qualification of these our ancestors, it hath ever spoke 
them to be no other than the true sons of Tuisco, that is, of Mars, as 
some interpret him. The first character that was given of them to the 
world, was by great Alexander himself, and resulted from that compen- 
dious discourse betwixt him and their ambassadors, when, upon their 
worthy answer to his proud question, as the supplement to Curtius's his- 
tory recordeth, he pronounced them an haughty and cavaliering nation, 
envying that any should be as magnanimous as himself. 

The next light that was given of them to the southern world was in 
lightning terror ; this was by that famed expedition of the Cimbri and 
Teutones, peculiarly so called, when those our more immediate ances- 
tors, wanting elbow-room in their native country of Low Germany, and 
the Cimbrick-Chersonese, undertook, in a party of three-hundred thou- 
sand adventurers, to seek and mend their fortunes in foreign countries. 
The first country they took in their way was France, then called Gaul, 
a country preordained for the exercise and subject of our conquests, and 
beating a nation, at that time esteemed the paragon of the world, and 
for strength, valour, and numerousness invincible; this France, and 


French nation, till then unconquered, and in their maiden glory, that 
Almaign army over-ran, subdued, and trampled unHer foot, thereby 
leaving to us, the progeny of their nation, the prime right and title of 
conquering them a^am ; this province being ransacked, over the belly 
thereof, those second Anakites bore on their uncontrolled match towards 
the Alps and Italy, where lay the term and scope of their resolution and 
design, which was to try masteries with Rome for the empire of the 
world; Rome was not then in her infancy, under the displeasure of 
heaven, and propugned by a disorderly and unskilful multitude, as 
Brennus found her, but flourishing in the height of her fortune, strength, 
and youthful vigour; her discipline unmatchable, her armies almost in- 
vincible, and those managed and conducted by the greatest general of 
that age, Cains Marius; so that well might these positive advantages, 
concurring also with sundry accidental ones, which last were, indeed, 
the most efficacious occasions of the event, lend the Romans the fortune 
at that time over those our ancestors ; but, although by the disposition 
of the supreme will, they fell short of their design, and left the honour 
of Rome's destruction for some (the Goths) others of their countrymen, 
in ensuing ages ; yet did they shew forth such famous symptoms of 
more than human daringness and abilities, that the affrightme.nt, which 
they cast before them, shook all Italy, and loaded the Romana Itars with 
prayers at that time, and long after, with praises to their deities, for tlie 
deliverance of tlieir cit) from so formidable an invasion ; a deliverance 
that endowed Marius with the pre-eminent name amongst Rome's pre- 
servers, as being from the invasion of such whose peiformances pro- 
claimed them a gioantean army, and the most valiant men that ever the 
Romans had to deal with. 

Neither did our ancestors glory fail to increase with the increase of 
time; for the next age produced Ariovistus, with his martial army from 
Germany over the Rhine to the second conquest of France ; so that 
twice was that nation subdued and broken by our ancestors the Teu- 
tones, before ever the Roman eagles durst assail it : And, had not the 
Romans then interposed, all France, as well as Belgia, had, long before 
the time of Pharamond, fallen into the Germans possession. These 
Germans, at that time, as Caesar record' th, had the French in such vas- 
salage and subjection, as that they durst not so much as mutter out a 
complaint, or petition to their Roman friends for relief against them ; 
nor did the French, who had been accounted of all nations the most va- 
liant, in that age, presume in any sort to compare themselves with the 
Germans ; but, as the same great author witnesseth, confessed in plaiu 
terms, that they were not able so much as to withstand their fulmina- 
ting looks ; and by their reports of the Germans formidableness, concur- 
ring with the Cimbrick memory, so scared even Caesar's legions, that 
all his centurions fell to a disposing either of their persons to a more se- 
curity by flight, or of their estates to their friends by testament. "And 
whosoever surveys the writings of Caesar, Tacitus, and other Roman au- 
thors of those times, no less eminent for judgment than authority, shall 
find in them the Teutones,our ancestors, to have been always accounted, 
in eflect, the Anakitish and most soldiery nation of the world ; and, for 
personage, the flower and quintessence of mankind, chosen and advanced 


above all -nations to the dignity of the Caesarian guard ; by nature con- 
secrated to heroick activeness, disdaining other than sanguinean desuda- 
tions; and who, during the whole age of the Roman monarchy, resisted 
the violence thereof, and were as often invaders as invaded. 

After the dissolution of the Roman empire, how did the Teutonick 
glory and puissance break forth and diffuse themselves? The German 
colonies filled all Europe; the Franks seized upon the Transalpine 
Gaul, since, from them, named France; the Lombards upon the other 
Gaul, afterwards called Lombardy ; the Goths on Spain ; and the Sax- 
ons, or English, our peculiar progenitors, in a more plenary way, upon 
the best part of Britain, which we now possess, to which we have since 
also added the command of the Welsh, Irish, and Scots ^ So that in 
all the regions aforesaid, as the sovereignty and ro)alty, so also most 
of the nobility, and in England the whole commonalty, are German, 
and of the German blood; and scarcely was there any worth or man- 
hood left in these occidental nations, after their so long servitude un- 
der the Roman yoke, until thtse new supplies of free-born men from 
Germany reinfused the same, and reinforced the then servile body of 
the west, with a spirit of honour and magnanimity; insomuch, that, as 
Du Bartus hath well observed, that land may well be stiled the equus 
Trojanus, or inexhausted fountain of Europe'* worth and worthy men ; 
which was also apparent and conspicuous in that ever-glorious and re- 
nowned expedition of the west, for the Holy Land, under the conduct of 
Godfrey pf Bulloigne, wherein there was scarce a personage of worth, 
but who, together with the plurality of the inferior soldiery, was Ger- 
man by birth or blood- 
As this our mother nation hath been transcendent above others in her, 
achievements, and her noble and fruitful issue of transmigrators and co- 
lonies, wherewith she hath replenished and re-edified her sister nations of 
the rest of Europe, and thereby inabled them to hold up tin ir heads, as 
now they do among the potent monarchies of the world ; so is she no 
less eminent in the vast bulk of her own body, and the ample tract of 
land which she holds and possessoth, and so ever hath done against all 
the world, being indeed the heart and main body of Europt*, as reach- 
ing from the Alps, near to the frozen ocean one way, and from France 
and the British Sea, unto Poland and Hungary, the other way, contain- 
ing for members her several tribes of the Imperial Germans, the Swit- 
zers, Belgians, Danes, Norwegians, Swedes, Goths, and Vandals, besides 
us English. It is true, that the.Celtick nation was once very great and 
famous, as possessing both the Gallia's and Britain ; but she hath Ion* 
since, in all her three seats, surrendered up her possessions, or liberty, 
together with her name, to the incroachments of her Teutonick neigh- 
bours ; and doubtless, were all the foresaid limbs of the Teutonick na- 
tion as united in the political association of one head and heart, as they 
are in the natural ligaments and communion of blood, laws, language, 
and situation, that empire would not only be the head of the west, as 
now it is, but also able to wrestle with the oriental competitor, for the 
command of the world, or at least to shoulder out of Europe his in- 
truding usurpation. 

One more flower of this our mother nation's royal garland, and a 

g6 ST. EDWARD'S GHOST, &rc. 

point of her prerogative above other nations, not only of Europe, but 
also of the rest of the world, the Scythick excepted, is her unconquer- 
edness, her untainted virginity and freedom from foreign subjection, 
which, from her first foundation and cradle, she hath so conserved and 
defended, that none can truly boast to have been her ravisher. The Ro- 
man invasions indeed often assayed her, but could never force her; as 
for Alexander, the Germans heard of him, but never saw him otherwise 
than by their ambassadors, who gave him and the world notice by their 
honourable answer to his insolent question, how much they feared him : 
and, lastly, for Charlemain's German wars, they were but as civil and 
domcstick, his Franks, and more particularly himself, being then in all 
things, but habitation, Germans, and consequently also his atchieve- 
ments may by good right also be reckoned among the German acts : 
What other nation can glory of the like? It is confessed, that the 
Greeks and Gauls were, for many ages, famous assertors of their liber- 
ties; but the latter of the two never enjoyed theirs since the time of 
Ariovistus and Julius Caesar, and the poor, never enough to be lament- 
ed, Greeks, beside their ancient subjection to Home, have in these lat- 
ter times lost not only their liberty, but also an empire to boot, together 
with their laws, religion* honour, and never before conquered language, 
to the cruel oppression of Turkish barbarism, all which the Teutones 
have by the special favour of Heaven, from their first beginning, pre- 
served inviolate against all invaders; indeed our neighbours the Scots 
boast much of the like privilege, but upon no equal grounds, for their 
remoteness and inaccessibleness, together with the unprofitableness of 
their soil, have been their chief protection from following the fortune 
of their mother nation of Ireland, and yet not so protected them, but 
as their own chronicles confess, their land hath been won from them, 
and they forced into exile for sixty years by the Romans, and their na- 
tion more than once subdued by our Edward the First, when they so 
often swore fealty and subjection to the Crown of England ; and for the 
Scythians, as they of all the world have the best right to compare them- 
selves, as having never submitted their necks to any external power, so 
may they also for that privilege in part thank their remoteness and 
barren climate, that have rendered their vast country not worth the 
conquering, and themselves as difficult to be found as vanquished by 
strong and well appointed armies. 

But that, which makes up the sum and apex of this nation's pre-emi- 
nence, is her Imperial crown, the crown of Christendom, which the 
Divine Providence upon special choice hath devolved on her, that so 
she might be no less in title than merit the queen of nations ; this her 
possessive dignity was long since foretold by the Druids, who, as Ta- 
citus recordeth, prophesied that the empire should be translated from 
Rome over the Alps, and is no other than what she was born to in the 
right of Askenaz's blood, educated to an inviolated freedom, and gene- 
rous exercises, and settled in by the purchase of the sword, and Rome's 
adoption ; and the same hath been for many ages by her, without com- 
petition, enjoyed, she possessing also most of the other kingdoms and 
principalities of these parts by her colonies, insomuch that the German 
nation may justly seem to have been created and appointed, for heir of 


the western world, even as the Scythick of the eastern, as betwixt which 
two nations and their colonies, both the sovereignty and possession of the 
most part of Europe and Asia is divided, they being in all things paral- 
lels and competitors; Heaven grant that at length our Teutonicks, 
shaking off their enervating vices and divisions, with the same manhood 
wherewith in ancient times their ancestors refunded that Scythick inva- 
sion of the Huns, mawling that orbis malleum, and in after ages chaced 
the Turks, another tribe of the same nation, from the Holy Land, and 
repressed their incroachings on Christendom, may also in these last 
times, at least, un-europe the same enemy and his barbarism, and re- 
advancing the eagle in the midst of Constantinople, recover, to great 
Tuisco's name, that right and honour in Thracia, which, as may be 
conceived, his person there sometime enjoyed under the name of Mars, 
confirmable by the still lasting analogy both in roots and accidents be- 
twixt the Greek and Teutonick idioms. 

Such is the transcendent quality of our mother nation, and in these 
sundry respects she sufficiently appears to be the chief and most ho- 
nourable nation of Europe; of all which honour of her's we are true 
inheritors and partakers, either as members of that body, or as children 
of that mother, we being flesh of her flesh, and bone of her bone, yea of 
the most ancient and noble of her tribes, according to the Germans opi- 
nion; the Saxon still retaining the name, with a little metathesis, as is 
before related, of the patriarch Askenaz, and this so totally and in- 
tirely, that whatsoever blood among us is not Teutonick is exotick; for, 
as is also before intimated, our progenitors, that transplanted themselves 
from Germany hither, did not commix themselves with the ancient in- 
habitants of this country, the Britons, as other colonies did with the 
natives in those places where they came, but totally expelling them, 
they took the sole possession of the land to themselves, thereby preserv- 
ing their blood, laws, and language, incorrupted; and, in this panegy- 
rick of the Teutonick blood, I have so prolixly insisted, not only to 
vindicate our own, as being a stream of the same, and to evince the 
nobility thereof, but withal to convince the folly of those wretches 
among us, who aversiag ours do so much adhere unto, and dote up- 
on descents from France and Normandy. 

But, lest any that cannot reproach us as Germans, should calumni- 
ate us as transmigrators, the consideration of the general quality of 
such will be our sufficient apology, for that it is well known that most 
colonies and transmigrators are made up, and consisting of the flower 
and choice youth of that country from whence they are transplanted, 
and being such, calum non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt, 
though they change air, they retain their spirits; and this is moreover 
observable for our advantage, that we left not the land of our fathers, 
either as exiled for demerits with the Parthians, nor forced and profli- 
gated by neighbours, as many others, nor yet with the mind of rovers, 
that go unjustly to despoil others of their goods and country. But, than 
which nothing could be more honourable, the first cause and occasion 
of our coming into this land was, at the earnest suit and intreaty of 
the distressed Britons, the ancient possessors of the same, to relieve and 
uccour their oppressed nation, against the barbarous and ore than 

VOL. vi. e 


unneighbourly vastations and invasions of the Scots and Picts, who 
with the height of insolence and ferocity, domineered, at that time, 
over this part of Britain. This was no less honourably atchieved than 
undertaken by our ancestors ; for Prince Hengistus, with a small band 
of English voluntiers, which he brought over from Saxony, renowned ly 
repressed and quelled the pride and insolence of the Scots, and with 
his additional forces so secured this land against them, that for many 
ages after they dared not to set foot out of their own limits; nor ever 
since could the most successful of their incursions penetrate to the walls 
of York. 

But did we therefore leave the free country of our ancestors, and 
come over hither to relieve and deliver others from foreign subjection, 
that we ourselves might succeed in servitude ? Sure it will scarce ap- 
pear, that we had any such intent by our ensuing doings and sufferings, 
for after that, upon our fatal falling out with the Britons about pay, 
we had long wrestled with that nation, for the possession of this land, 
and with infinite expence of blood and labour, gained it wholly to our- 
selves, Hengistus's assistance to the Britons being much of kin to that 
of Ariovistus, unto the Sequanish Gauls. What inundations of inva- 
sions did we sustain, what numberless conflicts and encounters did we 
continually maintain, for the keeping of our possessions, and preservation 
of our honour and liberty, as they were derived inviolate from our 
progenitors ? And all but against Danish intruders, a people that were 
our consanguineans, our ancient countrymen and brethren, whose pre- 
vailing over us would have introduced scarce strange laws or language, 
nor other blood than Teutonick ; and although in process of time, be- 
ing overladen with their inexhausted numbers, and to avoid further 
profusion of Christian and Teutonick blood, we condescended to some 
composition with them, and permitted them a cohabitation with us ; 
yet afterwards did we sufficiently quit ourselves of them, and their in- 
truding, and by a general execution, made them an example for such 
like usurpers; such was our ancient antipathy \o servility, and the ab- 
horringness of our nation's genius from closing with dishonour. 

Neither was this our generosity of blood, and freeness of descent and 
condition, the sum of our inheritance, or the whole stock of honour, that 
the bounty of heaven had committed to our possession. We were also 
blessed with a hopeful language, and happy laws; laws envied, but not 
equalled in Christendom, and, by historians, admired, as most plain 
and compendious, and of such a politick structure, as made our Prince. 
a true and happy monarch, and yet ourselves as free as any people of 
Europe. Our language was a dialect of the Teutonick, and although 
then but in her infancy, yet not so rude as hopeful, being most fruit- 
ful and copious in significant and well-sounding roots and primitives, 
and withal capable and apt for diffusion, from those her roots, into 
such a Greek-like ramosity of derivations and compositions, beyond 
the power of the Latin, and her offspring dialects, as might have, with 
majesty, delight, and plainness, interpreted our conceptions, and the 
writings of foreigners, to the capacity of any Englishman, without the 
help of a dictionary, or the knowledge of two or three other languages, 
which now is requisite to him, that will rightly understand or speak 


ven usual English ; and our laws and language being not only thus 
laudable, but also congenite, and appropriate to our name and nation, 
were most essential parts of our honour, and no less dear unto us, and 
that worthily, than our blood, and so the pleasant subjects of our .de- 
light and study; as also our princes and nobility, being no less natu- 
rally our own, were the just objects of our zeal and affection, as was 
testified in that title of the Prince Edgar Atheling, who was stiled Eng- 
land's darling, for his blood's sake, and in opposition to the Norman. 

And is it then suitable to the dignity, or tolerable to the spirit of 
this our nation, that, after so noble an extraction and descent, such 
honourable atchievements performed, so much done and suffered for 
our liberty and honour, against the most mighty of monarchs, and pu- 
issant nations ; and, after such privileges conferred on us from heaven, 
we should have our spirits so broken, and un-teutonised, by one un- 
fortunate battle, as for above five hundred years together, and even for 
e.ternity, not only to remain, but contentedly to rest under the dis- 
graceful title of a conquered nation, and in captivity and vassalage to 
a foreign power ? 

JSiccine in antiguam tirtutem animosgue viriles 
Et pater JEncas # avunculus excitat Hector? 

Did our ancestors, therefore, shake off the Roman yoke, with the 
slaughter of their legions, and, during the whole age of that empire, as 
Tacitus confesseth, resist the puissance thereof, that the honour and 
freedom of their blood might be reserved for an untainted prey to a fu- 
ture conqueror ? Could not they endure the sight of a Caesarian tro- 
phy, set up by Germanicus in their land ? And can we not only en- 
dure, but embrace the title and ensigns of a conquest over us, that even 
still triumphs in our land, in her full insolence, while we can turn our 
eyes and meditations no where about us, but we meet with some object 
that reproacheth us as capiives. If we address a look toward our laws, 
they still scorn to speak otherwise, than in the conqueror's language, 
and are (if Master Daniel and others write true) for the most part, his 
introductions, shutting up the remaining liberties of our nation, under 
the name and notion of franchises, as if we were no further to be ac- 
counted free, than infranchised, that is, adopted into the quality of 
Frenchmen, or made denizens of France, whereby, the first point, that 
occurs to the reader of our laws, is our shame, If we survey our lan- 
guage, we there meet with so much tincture of Normanism, that some 
have esteemed it for a dialect of the Gallick. If we contemplate the he- 
raldry and titles of our nobility, there is scarce any other matter than 
inventories of foreign villages, that speak them to be not of English 
blood; but tell us, as their ancestors sometimes told King John, that 
their progenitors conquered this land by the sword. And, lastly, if we 
but hear the royal title rehearsed, we hear it likewise attended with a 
post conqucstum; so that we cannot move with our senses, but we hear 
the chains of our captivity rattle, and are put in mind that we are 
slaves, (find kumqnum est, no people but may be overcome ; that may 
be born withal ; but sub victoria acquiescere, for so many hundred year,s 

100 ST. EDWARD'S GHOST, &c. 

together, and in a so long continued possibility of excusing dishonour, 
and regaining liberty ; to sit, as it were, snoaring in a captive and ser- 
vile condition, and to be fed with the bread of captivity, were more 
proper to an Asiatick nation (those natis ad servitutem, as Tully calls 
them) than to one of Europe, and to any European, than a Teutonick, 
and indeed to tame creatures and cattle, than to those that profess them- 
selves free-born men. 

But let us a little reflect upon the nature and quality of these con- 
querors, with their conquest over us, perhaps, they may be such, as, 
for their dignity, may say unto our nation, as that hero in. the poet: 

Solamen habeto 

'Mortis, ab jEmonio quod sis jugulatus Achille. 

And their domination over us such, as against the right and equity 
whereof there is no pleading: But, alas! what was that tenth worthy, 
whom we are not ashamed even still to sirname our conqueror, but a 
Norman bastard, as a Scottish writer well terms him, or, at best, a vas- 
sal-duke of a French province; and what his Argyraspides, his gallant 
followers the Normans, but a people compacted of the Norwegians and 
Neustrians, that is, of the off-scowering and dross of the Teutonick and 
Gallick nations, whose ambitious leader, upon a pretence of a various 
title to this crown, intruding upon us in a time of disadvantage, and 
being thereupon put to try it out by the sword with his then usurping 
competitor, by subtlety, not valour, obtained the hand over him, and 
so, as legatee and kinsman of St. Edward, the last rightful English 
King, and, upon his specious and fair vows, and promises, to preserve 
inviolate our laws and liberties, was admitted to the throne ? So that 
all the alteration and dishonour that followed was, by his villainous 
perjuriousness and treachery, introduced upon us, and that title of a 
conqueror was not at first, but by the flattery of succeeding times at- 
tributed to him, and hath been ever since, by our sordid treachery 
against our country, continued; whereas, had he assumed it at first 
(as was well observed by an illustrious personage of our neighbour-na- 
tion, the Scots, who are generally more sensible of our dishonour in 
this respect, than most of ourselves; perhaps, worthily mindful of the 
ancient extraction of the most and chief of their south-landers from 
the English blood ; as he, I say, hath well observed in a late speech of 
his made to his majesty) he must either have come short of his ambi- 
tious ends, or have sought after a new people to have exercised his 
title upon, so odious at that time was the title of a conquered nation 
to our ancestors. 

But admit it were so, that he won this land by the sword, as he and 
his followers afterwards boasted, and that he obtained such a dismal 
victory over us, as the Norman writers predicate; whereas, notwith- 
standing, if we may believe ^Emili us Veronensis, in his French history, 
a more impartial writer in this cause, there was no such matter; who, 
taxing those Norman writers of arrogance, reports that the truth of it 
was, that our English soldiers, whom Harold, the usurping king, 
brought into the field against the Normans, were no less displeased 

ST. EDWARD'S GHOST, &c. 101 

with him, than with his adversaries; and that they only put themselves 
in a posture of defence, without caring to offend the enemy, and that, 
when, in the beginning of the battle, Harold chanced to be slain by an 
arrow, the controversy was presently ended, without more blood-shed, 
an agreement made, and the Norman admitted in respect of his claim, 
and upon his promises afore-mentioned; this he reports. But were it so, 
that our English nation was directly vanquished and conquered by the 
Normans, at the sound whereof every true Englishman's stomach may 
well rise, have not we more than once requited their nation in the like 
kind? how often have our armies vanquished and conquered, not only 
Normandy, but also France itself, whereof the other is but a vassal- 
province? and why one victory of theirs over us should be of more mo- 
ment and effect against us, than so many of ours against them ? I see 
no other cause or reason, than injuriousness towards us, and retchles- 
ness in us. 

But were it so also, that the Norman race were as lawful lords, and 
domineered by the same right, of an absolute conquest over us, as the 
Turks do, at this day, over the Grecians, betwixt whose case and ours, 
religion excepted, there is a near affinity; will any reasonable man be 
so unjust, or any Englishman be so impious, as to define it for unlaw- 
ful in us, to endeavour to recover our right, and lost honour and liber- 
ty ? would any man be so absurd, as to stigmatize and detest it for 
rebellion in the Greeks, to shake off, if they were able, the Turkish 
yoke, and to recover from that enemy's usurpation their ancient honour, 
laws, liberty, and language, that now lie overwhelmed and buried in 
Turcism, as ours in Normanism? Surely, we ourselves should condemn 
them, if they would not endeavour it, while our own laws attribute not, 
to the wrongful disseizer, any such right to his forceably gotten posses- 
sions, but that he may, with more right, be redisseized by the first 
owner, or his heirs. And indeed, it were so far from injuriousness, both 
in the Greeks and us, to dispossess the usurpers, that, in the mean 
time, we are most injurious to ourselves, our progenitors, and our pos- 
terity, while we so traiterously yield up, to those robbers, what our 
ancestors so dearly purchased, and preserved for us to enjoy, and after- 
wards to transmit, and leave to their and our name and blood, in all 
succeeding ages. But, in this, we are far more inexcusable than the 
Greeks, for that they never yet enjoyed the means of a deliverance, 
which we, either in a fair or forceable way, scarce ever wanted; and 
surely, if our right doth call, our honour doth cry out upon us, that, 
if our progenitors massacred the Danish garisons that usurped over 
them, we should not, like the Jews, ear-boared slaves, for ever serve the 
progeny of their subjects, the Norwegians; that we, who instead of 
being conquered with other nations, by Charlemain, have conquered 
even the French themselves, would not live captives to their vassals, 
the Normans; and that, since our ancestors never submitted their necks 
to the yoke .of Rome, we should not suffer ours to be for ever wedded 
to one brought over from Neustria, the meanest shire of one of Rome's 
(anciently) captive provinces, unless, perhaps, it be more honourable 
for our country to be a Norman municipium, than a Roman province ; 
to use the Norman laws, than the civil of the empire, and the Norman 

o 3 

102 ST. EDWARD'S GHOST, &c. 

language, rather than the Latin; any of which notwithstanding, the 
Roman emperors, during their prevailing over some skirts of our an- 
cient country of Germany, as Batavia, Rhaetia, and the borders of the 
Rhine, never obtruded on our countrymen there, but desiring only, for 
their worth, their personal assistance in the wars, permitted them, and 
them only of all nations, the continuance of their own laws, language, 
and liberties in all things. But all these, we, their degenerate poste- 
rity, have, in a large degree, betrayed to the usurpation of a Norman 

But if we think we have not yet received shame enough by this Norman 
conquest, in being thereby stripped and spoiled of all that stock of honour, 
which might have descended to us from our ancestors, and of all that our 
nation had to take pleasure in; we want not a further degree of the same 
shame to consider ourselves in, that is, as we are by this pretended con- 
quest cast into such a predicament and condition, as makes us incapa- 
ble of acquiring new honour ever after, so long as we remain therein; 
the evidence of this we may descry in our own laws, wherein we find, 
that such, as are in the nature of villains, are incapable of enjoying 
free-hold lands, but, though they purchase never so much,it belongs all 
to their lords. Should the Turks janisaries, under their master's con- 
duct, conquer the whole world, yet could they not justly gain to them- 
selves the name of men of honour, but only of stout and dutiful slaves; 
which is also illustrated by that apophthegm of Tully, who defining 
the way for one that would attain to highness, tune, saith he, incipiat 
aliis imperare, cum suis iniquissimis dominis parere desierit ; let him first 
unslave himself, before he talk of getting honour in inslaving others; 
and therefore, though both France and Spain should be by us never so 
often conquered, yet could our name thereby take no true lustre, 
till it be cleared of this fast-sticking blemish, and that we have uncon- 
quered ourselves; but as an ill-humoured, or deformed body, is not 
rectified by nourishment, but finds its pravity to increase and dilate 
with itself, so should our name and fame, by our achievements, be 
extended to the world's, both temporal and local, ends; yet thither 
also would our disgrace accompany it in equal characters, and pro- 
claiming that we are a conquered, and still captive people, quash all 
honour, that otherwise might accrue or adhere to us. 

I should be voluminous, should I fully describe how injurious and 
dishonourable it is to our nation for to continue under the title and 
effects of this pretended conquest, being such as we see and feel even 
the barbarous and contemptible Irish to be more than sensible and im- 
patient of the like, while, with so much hazard of their lives and for- 
tunes, and, against such formidable opposition, they endeavour the 
excussion thereof. But I am far enough from exhorting to an imitation 
of their violent and horrid practice, we feel too much thereof among 
us, although for lighter ends; neither, I hope, is any such way need- 
ful, since we all, from the greatest to the least, profess ourselves Eng- 
lish, and would seem to aim at the honour of the English name, his 
majesty, for his part, having, by many passages, shewed himself the 
most indulgent patron thereof, and our nobility and commons on both 
sidos contending, or, at least, pretending, for no other ; none, 1 hope, 

ST. EDWARD'S GHOST, &c. 103 

amongst us dissenting, that, if any should oppugn it, he were worthy 
to be proscribed and prosecuted either as a viperous malignant, or as a 
public adversary. So that it is but the carcase of an enemy that we 
have to remove out of our territories, even the carcase and bones of the 
Norman duke's injurious and detested perpetrations, much more merit- 
in to be dug up, and cast out of our land, than those relicks of his 
body that were so unsepulchred from his grave in Caen. Let us there- 
fore, until we have wiped off this shame of our nation, and demolished 
the monuments thereof, no more talk of honour, as being a thing that 
we have least to do withal, but, yielding that and the glory to, the Nor- 
man name, reserve unto ourselves nothing but the inheritance of shame 
and confusion of face; yea, let us either confess and profess ourselves 
for ever mere vassals and slaves, or else attempt to uncaptive ourselves, 
the end and scope of this whole discourse, that is, effectually, yet 
orderly and legally, to endeavour these following particulars: 

1. That William, si rnamed the Conqueror, be stripped of that inso- 
lent title (which himself scarce ever assumed after his victory, much 
less pretended to before, but hath been since imposed on him by Nor- 
man arrogance and our servile flattery), and that he be either reputed 
amongst our lawful kings by force of t. Edward's legacy, or adjudged 
an usurper; however, that he may no longer stand for the alpha of our 
kings in the royal catalogue. 

2. That the title to the crown be ungrounded from any pretended 
conquest over this nation, and that his majesty be pleased to derive his 
right from St. Edward's legacy, and the blood of the precedent English, 
kings, to whom he is the undoubted heir; and that he restore the an- 
cient English arms into the royal standard. 

3. That all the Norman nobility and progeny, amongst us, repu- 
diate their names and titles brought over from Normandy, assuming 
others consistible with the honour of this nation, and disclaim all right 
to their possessions here, as heirs and successors to any pretended con- 

4. That all laws and usages introduced from Normandy be, eo 
nomine, abolished, and a supply made from St. Edward's laws, or the 
civil, and that our laws be divested of their French rags, (as king James 
of worthy memory once royally motioned) and restored into the Eng- 
lish or Latin tongue, unless, perhaps, it may seem honourable for Eng- 
lishmen to be still in the mouth of their own laws no further free than 
frenchified, and that they only, of all mortal men, should imprison 
their laws in the language of their enemies. 

5. That our language be cleared of the Norman and French inva- 
sion upon it, and depravation of it, by purging it of all words and 
terms of that descent, supplying it from the old Saxon and the 
learned tongues, and otherwise correcting it, whereby it may be ad- 
vanced to the quality of an honourable and sufficient language, than 
which there is scarce a greater point in a nation's honour and happi- 

To which may also be added the removal of an indignity of kin to 
the former in quality, though not in cause, namely, the advancing of 
the French arms above ours in the royal standard, as if, by our ances- 

6 4 

104 ST. EDWARD'S GHOST, &c. 

tors conquest of that nation, we had merited nothing but the public 
subjection of our honour to theirs: the Scots, though an inferior nation, 
denying us any such privilege in their own kingdom. 

These things thus obtained, and Normanism thus abolished, we may 
then, and then only, have comfort in our name, as after our excussion 
of that which is utterly destructive to the honour of our nation, which 
is the motive unto us to demand and require these things; neither want 
there reasons sufficient on the other side, why they may and ought to 
be granted, some whereof are these: . 

1 . For his majesty, it will be no prejudice to his title, nor impeach- 
ment of the honour of his blood, should he wave his descent from Nor- 
mandy, but rather an improvement of the same, by how much it is 
more honourable to be derived from free kings, than vassal dukes, and 
from Saxony, the heart and noblest part of Germany, than from Neus- 
tria or Norway; and it will, moreover, settle him as well in the true 
affections, as on the throne of this nation, which none of his predeces- 
sors, since the pretended conquest, could rightly enjoy, there being too 
much tincture of domination in their rule, and of captivity in our obe- 
dience. And this is confirmed by that love and honour which the most 
glorious kings of this realm have here gained by their inclining this way; 
witness Henry the first, approved and beloved above his Norman pre- 
decessors, who, for that sole purpose, took to wife Edgar Atheling's 
niece, the female heir of the English blood; next, Edward the first, 
whose memory is no less acceptable for his being the first reviver of that 
name in that line, than for his inlarging the honour and dominion of 
this state: thirdly, Edward the third, the most glorious, renowned, 
and precious of all our kings, not only for his famous victories, but 
withal, for restoring, in a good degree, the use and honour of the Eng- 
lish tongue, formerly exiled, by Normanism, into contempt and obscu- 
rity. To which purpose also it is observable, that none of our kings 
since William the pretended conqueror, and his son, have bore their 
name, the imposing whereof on our princes, their royal parents seem 
purposely to have avoided as justly odious to the English nation ; 
whereas, with what honour they have continually used both the name 
and shrine of St. Edward, I need not recount. And if these kings so 
lately after the conqueror, and while the Norman blood ran almost 
fresh in their veins, thought it their duty, in some sort, to profess, for 
the English name, against Normanism, how little mis-becoming will it 
be for his majesty, after his so many ages ingraftment into this nation, 
and disunion from the other, and having in him, for one stream of th 
Norman blood, two of the true English, to profess himself altogether 
English, and to advance that nation to the greatest lustre he can, 
whereof he professeth himself the natural head; yea, it will so far 
transfer him above the honour and felicity of his predecessors, as it is 
more honourable and happy for a prince to be called and accounted 
the natural father of his country, than the exotick lord of the same, of 
which titles the very tyrants of Rome were ambitious for the former, 
but rejected and detected even the one half of the latter. 

2. For the Norman progeny, they may consider, that themselves, 
as Norwegians, are originally, as Verstegan hath well observed, of on* 

ST. EDWARD'S GHOST, &c. 105 

and the same blood and nation with the English, namely, the Teu- 
tonick, and that, in doing what is here required, they shall but shake 
off that tincture of Gallicism, which their ancestors took in Neustria, 
and rejoin themselves with their ancient countrymen; which also even 
their own honour requires of them, even according to the opinion of 
the ancient Treviri, who, as Tacitus recordeth, though inhabitants of 
France, yet disdained to be accounted of the French blood, butambi- 
riously adhered to their descent from Germany; the Gallick nation 
having been servile ever since the time of Julius Ccesar, and no other 
their language, which we so much dote upon, than an effect of the 
Roman conquest over them, and a testimony of their long vassalage 
and subjection to that empire. 

But, if they can relish no honour but what must arise, and fetch life, 
from our shame, let them revolve how loth they would be to be served, 
as sometime the Romans dealed with the insulting Gauls, the relicks of 
Brennus's army, whom they utterly rooted out of Italy, nequis ejus 
gentis superesset qui incensam a se Romamjactaret, as an historian hath 
it; and, if they will needs continue the Danes succeeders in insulting 
over us, they may also remember that we are the posterity of those 
English who massacred them, and that when they had a potent kingdom 
at hand to revenge it, which these others are" to seek for. 

3. Lastly, State policy requires it, it being requisite to the good 
and safety of the kingdom in general; for, if ingenuous valour in the 
people, and their love to their king, state, nobility, and laws, with 
regard to honour, be the chief strength of a realm against foreign inva- 
sions (for instance, and testification whereof, we need look no further 
than the Scots) it is necessary, that, if our state should enjoy that 
strength, our nation enjoy these demands; for, how can we love and 
fight for those laws, which are ours only by our enemies introduction, 
and are our disgrace instead of honour; or for that sovereignty and no- 
bility, in whose very titles, as before is related, we read our country 
to be already in captivity, and that the alteration of the state will be, 
to us, but changing of usurpant masters? Neither will the recordation 
of our ancient honour be any better a provocation to that purpose. 
Should the Turk go about to exhort his Grecian soldiers to valiantness 
in his cause, and against his foreign enemies, by commemorating unto 
them the ancient glory and prowess of their nation, would not that co- 
hortation merit to be taken as an insulting irrision? and, should not the 
first effect thereof be a vindictive incitement of them against himself, as 
the most proper object thereof in all respects ? so also cannot the re- 
membrance of our ancient glory, if we consider ourselves aright, incite 
us to any thing more than the clearing of ourselves from this insulting 
conquest, as already, and long since, pressing us with that dishonour, 
which other dangers at most but threaten? and as, upon these grounds, 
we can scarce find courage to fight for the safety and preservation of the 
state ; so for the same reasons have we as little heart to pray or wish for 
the same, until our national honour be restored to a coexistence there- 

Since, therefore, these things are so bchoveful for our nation to de- 
mand, and for our state to grant, if, after due consideration thereof, 


\vc continue to want the happy fruition of the same, it must be ascribed, 
either to an overgrown baseness of mind in the one, or an unnatural 
malignity a in the other, as indulging rather to a foreign name, than to a 
nation whereof the said state is a part, and intrusted with the welfare 
and honour thereof; and in this still-servilisingcase it will be ridiculous 
for us, the nation, to pretend to honour or renown, but more proper 
for us for ever to profess ourselves of that quality wherein we take up 
our rest, to wit, captivity and servility : but, if we may descry a glori- 
rious morning, and\ of our benighted honour, refulging in the 
happy accomplishment of these our desires, then shall we with alacrity 
press all that the English name investeth unto the defence and enlarge- 
ment of the English dominion, and, instead of disclaiming our nation, 
and transfuging to others, as many of us now do, and have done espe- 
cially in Ireland, we shall joy to make Anglicism become the only soul 
and habit of all, both Ireland and Great-Britain. Dm. Octob. 1642. 

J. H. 


Judge of Assize for the Northern Circuit, 

As it was delivered to the grand jury at York assizes, the twentieth of 
March, 1648 ; clearly epitomising the statutes belonging to this na- 
tion, which concern (and, as a golden rule, ought to regulate) the 
several estates and conditions of men; and, being duly observed, do 
really promote the peace and plenty of this commonwealth. 

From a Quarto, containing 30 pages, printed at London, by T. W. for Mat- 
thew Walbancke and Richard Best, at Gray's Inn Gate, in 1649. 

GENTLEMEN, friends, and countrymen, I do not question, but 
that the stile and title of our commissions, under which we are 
now to act, and execute the authority and power committed to our 
hands, being changed from Carolus Rex Anglice, to Custodes libertatis 
Anglias authoritate parliamenti, works divers effects upon the tempers 
and spirits of men, according as the spirits themselves are tempered 
and affected ; and that some of those spirits (like the sun upon wax) it 
softens into obedience and compliance, and others of them, again (like 
the same sun upon clay) it hardens into stiffness and opposition. Proud, 
ambitious, and malignant spirits, finding themselves frustrated and de- 
feated hereby of their designed hopes, and hopeful designs, for obtain- 


ing their desired ends; and, being filled with prejudice toothers, and 
self-love to their own opinions, and therefore having turned themselves 
aside from the use of their own reason, and from all overtures and argu- 
ments of satisfaction, and having given up their understanding to blind 
affections, it startles and confounds with passions and amazements, 
heightened into choler and disdain; because, looking through the false 
glass of their own self-interest, they find nothing therein, but imagin- 
ary shakings of foundations, overturning of laws, and confused heaps 
of ruins and distractions. But to these, if any such be present, (espe- 
cially, if they have been formerly engaged in open war against the pub- 
lick interest of the nation, and so are cast, by God's justice, for their 
transgressions into a mean and low condition;) all I shall say, (with the 
poor comfort of calamity, pity) is this, that, if they have not already 
tasted enough of the cup of God's wrath, for their misdoings, let them 
take heed they engage not again, for fear that, hereafter, they be en- 
forced to drink the dregs of his displeasure. Other silly spirits there 
are, who, standing unbottomed upon any solid principles of their own, 
find themselves tossed to and fro with the wind which blows from others 
mouths; one while listening to the prophet, who bids them go up to 
Ramoth-Gilead, and prosper; and by and by again yielding him that 
bids them not go up, for fear of perishing; and so they are carried 
into cross and oblique opinions, and actions, tending to, and endanger- 
ing, their utter ruin and destruction. And, to these men, all I shall 
say, and advise, is this, that they will forthwith repair to the school of 
reason, and suffer themselves to be guided and led by impartial and 
wholesome lessons, and instructions, to a better information of their 
judgments, whereby they may be settled upon undeniable grounds in 
the knowledge of themselves, and the truth, and of their own right, 
.interest, and concernment. But another sort of men there are, who are 
willing to let their eyes stand in the place where nature set them, and 
to make use of that reason and judgment, which God hath given them, 
and, with erected minds, to apprehend the sense of their own future 
happiness, and to hearken to the voice which calls them to the flourish- 
ing actions of a reformed commonwealth, and therefore do entertain 
this change with suitable opinions and compliance from these grounds 
which they thus propound and argue with themselves. 

1 . That all power and authority is originally and primarily in God, 
and comes from God ; and this they rest upon, as being a scripture- 

2. That God, out of his wisdom and providence, hath dispensed 
and transmitted so much of this authority and power to men, as is ne- 
cessary for their use. First, as in relation to the inferior creatures, to 
rule and govern them, as lord and king. And, as in relation to one 
another, from a principle of nature, (conservatio sui-ipsius) to seek and 
endeavour their own preservation and security, which principle draws 
them to this conclusion (salus populi suprcma lex) the safety of the 
people is the supreme law, both of nature, and nations. And from this 
natural principle, and supreme law of nature, however all men, in 
their original creation, are all of one and the same substance, mould, 
and stamp, yet, for preservation's sake, they find a fitness in 


subordinations and degrees among them, for the better ordering of their 
affairs ; and so they appoint rulers, and authorise governors over them, 
as trustees for themselves. They also elect government, create rules, 
orders, and laws, by which they will have their rulers and governors to 
guide and steer their actions in the course of their government, to which 
they will conform their obedience ; and this truth is ascertained from 
hence, that there were people before there were either rulers or gover- 
nors of people, and that therefore these rulers and governors were but 
made by the people, and for the people, with this reserve, that when- 
soever the people should perceive, that their trustees, and governors, 
did turn potestatem into potentiam, the power and authority of govern- 
ment, by rule and law formerly agreed upon, and consented unto by 
the people, into an armed force; and that they did alter the people's 
rempublicam, into the governor's remprivatam; and that their govern- 
ment, ceasing to be free, was made to hang over the people's heads, as 
a lordly scourge to their destruction; then, and from thenceforth, and 
that with good comeliness of reason, the people betake themselves to 
thoughts of reformation; and finding cause to dislike their former 
choice, being not tied by any scripture-rule to any one form of govern- 
ment, they chuse again, and take some other form, differing from that 
before, whereby they will avoid the evils they suffered under their for- 
mer choice, and enjoy the good of a more beneficial preservation ; for, 
like mariners and men in a ship at sea, they will no longer trust an un- 
skilful or perfidious stearsman, lest they should be found guilty of their 
own ensuing shipwreck and destruction. 

And this brings me to the next assertion, and position, which I own 
as a most certain truth, and positive assurance, that the people, (under 
God) is the original of all just power, and that, let the government run 
out into what form it will, monarchy, aristocracy, or democracy, yet 
still the original fountain thereof is from the consent ajid agreement of 
the people. And from this assertion, and position, I am led on fur- 
ther, by plain reason, to understand, that rulers, and governors, are 
accountable to the people for their misgovernment; namely, when they 
transgress the rules, and laws, by which jthe people did agree they 
would be governed. But, let me not be mistaken, for, when I say, 
accountable to the people, I do not mean to the diffused humours and 
fancies of particular men in their singular and natural capacities, but 
to the people, in their politick constitution, lawfully assembled by 
their representative. 

Touching the government of this nation, it hath anciently been mo- 
narchical, in the frame and constitution of it; but yet it never was a 
pure monarchy, for a pure monarchy is a clear tyranny: but it was a 
political monarchy, or monarchy governed by laws, taking in thereto 
all the goods, and avoiding all the ills, both of aristocracy and demo- 
cracy ; and so I may truly say, that look upon the frame and constitu- 
tion of it alone, and, as it were, upon the theoretical and contempla- 
tive part of it; and, supposing it possible that the practice would an- 
swer the theory, no man can deny, but that it was a frame of most 
excellent order and beauty : for, first, it had a king, the chief officer, 
one single person ; and therefore, avoiding the proud factions and con- 


tentions, usually happening in aristocracy, as likewise, the disordered 
confusions, common in single democracy; but yet a king bounded and 
compassed with laws above him, being the rules already made and giv- 
en him to rule by; and, with a necessity of concurrence and compli- 
ance, with lords and commons below him, for future legislative power 
and authority, and so avoiding the danger of tyranny usually incident 
to monarchies, which commonly makes the monarch's will the law, and 
so establishing the government upon this foundation, 
Voluntas lex imperatoris esto. 

But, alas! when I have shewed you the frame and constitution of 
the late government, I have shewed you all the beauty of it; for, when 
you come to examine the practical part, you shall find nothing less 
than excellency, or perfection in it. Look into your own stories, and 
you shall always find the king and great lords, comites svos, as they 
were called, incroaching upon the people's liberties and rights, and in- 
croaching to themselves superlative prerogatives and dominion over 
them. On the other side you shall find again the people struggling to 
preserve themselves and their own interests, labouring still to avoid the 
miseries, and to free themselves from the mischiefs of their sufferings. 

The times and transactions, before the Norman William got the 
crown, and which past among the Britons, Romans, Danes, and Sax- 
ons, being dark and obscnre, I pass by, and, therefore, I shall only 
speak something of the times and transactions since. 

First, The tyrannical domination of that first William and his son, 
the second William, gave the people to see their ensuing miseries; for, 
though they made choice of the second William, who was but a second 
son, and rejected Robert, his elder brother, yet they soon found their 
kindness was suddenly forgotten, when once the crown was obtained, 
and, therefore, they refused, when he was dead, to chuse again, till, 
by new engagements, oaths, and royal promises of better government, 
they were cheated into a second election of Henry the first, who was a 
younger brother likewise. But it was not long after before monarchy 
played rex, and pleasure and will ruled, and the whole kingdom almost 
was turned into forests; and the laws, which the people were brought 
to live under and obey, were the cruel and insupportable laws of the 
forest, which were made rather to preserve the beasts, than the people 
within the bounds of forests. Then the people, finding no other re- 
medy, betook themselves to thoughts of reformation, as I told you at 
the first. And in the time of King John, at Renymeed, they demanded 
restitution of St. Edward's laws, for so they called that Saxon Edward, 
who was dead many years before, but without any heir or successor of 
that kind, (for we never read of any St. king since him:) and by 
those laws they say they will be governed, and to those laws they will 
conform. Hereupon a new compact is made, the articles of Renymeed, 
containing most of St. Edward's laws, ate confirmed and established, 
by consent, in parliament, and so the people are for that time satisfied, 
and think themselves very safe, as they well might think so, under the 
security of an act of parliament. But yet this act proved no security, 
for, in a short time after, all was let loose again, and the same mis- 
chiefs and oppressions upon the people were still continued as before, 


and many more additions made thereto, to the utter inslaving of the 
English nation. 

Hereupon the people stand up, once more, for their liberties and 
native rights in the ancient laws of the land, and demand, the second 
time, to have them confirmed, and to be kept from violation, and so, 
in the ninth year of King Henry the third, was the great charter of the 
liberties of England (being but a declaration of the ancient common 
laws of the land, and little differing from the articles of Renymeed, 
together with the charter of the forest) framed and consented to in full 
parliament, and are the first acts of parliament now extant in print. 
And so the people sat down again under the protection of this second 
security; but, how weak a security it proved, let the practice of the 
next King, and all succeeding Kings, tell you, though it had been 
confirmed and allowed by themselves two and thirty times ; for in the 
two next Kings time you shall find the good men of the land discoun- 
tenanced, and vain, loose, and wanton persons to be the men in high- 
est esteem ; nay, murderers and robbers, and the like, cherished and 
maintained, and, if brought to publick justice, and condemned for their 
misdoings, yet pardoned again, and set at liberty; and though (by the 
fundamental law) parliaments, (the usual salve for the people's sores) 
were to be called and held twice a year, yet were they laid aside, and 
rarely made use of; and then, when they were called, it was but to 
serve the king's turn, for granting subsidies, or the like. r And therefore 
this when the people perceived, in the time of King Edward the Se- 
cond, they thought fit to question his misgovernment, by articles of 
impeachment in parliament against him, and then to depose him from 
his kingly office, and to make his son, during his father's life-time, wan- 
den of the kingdom, and shortly after they made him King (while his 
father lived) by the name of Edward the Third. And now are acts of 
parliament made against the former mischiefs: First, against the King's 
granting pardons to robbers and murderers; and four acts of parlia- 
ment are made at the neck of one another, and pursuing one before, 
telling the king plainly, that he may not, he must not grant pardons, 
but where he may do it by his oath, namely, in case of homicide, by 
misfortune, and homicide, in his own defence. Secondly, for more 
frequent holding of parliaments, namely, that they should be held once 
a year, and oftener, if need be, But little effect did these produce, for 
the mischiefs have continued, and the people have still suffered, by the 
breach of those laws, even until these very times, the very same mis-* 
chiefs as before. 

In the time of King Richard the Second, the disorders of the court, 
and oppressions upon the people from thence, were so great and un- 
supportable, that the people articled against that King, and likewise 
deposed him, and so they afterward did in like manner depose King 
Henry the Sixth, and King Edward tfie Fourth, by consent in parlia- 
ment. Thus you see how the exercise of kingly office, within this na^ 
tion, hath been made use of to the damage of the people, and how the 
people again have put in use their authority over their kings, to call 
them to an account for their misgovernmcnt. Touching the last king, 
much hath been said, and too much hath been felt by this country, in 


relation to the last war. But pardon me, if I tell you so, it was a just 
punishment of God upon us of this county ; for, I may truly say, the 
water had its rise and beginning here, here in this county, nay, here in 
this court, for this was the first place in England where any grand ju- 
ries of the county charged themselves and their countrymen with any 
tax to raise a war against the publick interest of the people, as they did 
here when, at the summer assizes in the year 1642, they charged the 
county with a tax of eight thousand six hundred pounds, to maintain 
a thousand dragoons, upon pretence to keep the country in peace. But 
alas ! the dragoons were no sooner raised, but they were made use of 
for another service, namely, to attend the King's standard at Notting- 
ham, and from thence were carried to fight at Edge-hill against the par- 
liament forces, for better keeping the peace in Yorkshire ; and though 
it be true, that this tax of eight thousand six hundred pounds was ne- 
ver levied, yet our own great lords and gentlemen made it the founda- 
tion and rise of another tax of thirty thousand pounds, which they laid 
and levied upon the county in October after, for bringing in the Earl 
of Newcastle and his forces. 

But (as I said before) God's punishment is just upon us; for, as the 
war began here, so it hath ever since continued among us, and even at 
this day, when all the rest of the kingdom is in peace and quietness, 
only we are now upon sieging, at our own charge, of your cursed cas- 
tle at Pontefract, which began at first, and continues to be the last of 
our enemies hold and garisons within this nation. 

But to return to the point of the King's incroachments upon the peo- 
ple's liberties, and therein I will clearly tell you my own thoughts in 
one particular, and instance in that one, but it is, to my apprehension, 
unum magnum, and instar omnium ; it is as the lion said of her whelp, 
when the fox upbraided her, that she was not so fruitful in procreation 
as the fox, but brought forth only one lion at once; it is true, saith the 
lion, but that one is a lion ; and so I may say by the King's negative 
voice in parliament ; for admit but this one piece of prerogative to be 
just, and consonant to the constitution of the government, and I dare 
affirm, that the people of England were in a possibility, by that consti- 
tution of government, to be as arrant slaves and vassals, as were in Tur- 
ky, or among the Moors in the gallics: For let the King put what op- 
pression he will upon the people, let their grievances and burthens be- 
never so great, and let him, at the people's desire, call parliaments for 
redresses thereof never so often, and let never so good bills be prepared 
and presented to him for reformation, yet still he shall put them ofT 
with this royal compliment, Le Roy sadvisera, signifying, quoad the 
practice, in plain English, ' I will not help you, nor release the unjust 
burthens and oppressions I have laid upon you.' 

But add to this that other incroachment of the lords negative voice 
upon the people, which they also have "with much lordliness practised 
in answer to the commons bills, though of the highest concernment for 
their weal, however they express that negative, in court-language and 
good words, ' We will send an answer by messengers of our own ;' as if 
the people should expect they meant to return some concurrence \vith 


them, when, God knows, nothing is less thought upon, or meant by 

And now let the people see their own condition, now let them con- 
sider how they have been abused by good words and phrases, which 
if they had clearly and universally understood the meaning of, or if 
these negatives had been clearly expressed, in downright language, ' We 
will not help you!' or, ' We will not ease you of your burthens or op- 
pressions that lie so heavy upon you,' truly then I presume the people 
would long since have been stirred up to help themselves, and to have 
endeavoured as well to take away the mischief, as to avoid the misery 
of such a government. For my own part, I speak it freely from my 
heart, that as I am a free-man, both by birth, and education, and am 
inheritable to the laws and free-customs of England ; so I do naturally 
desire the security of government, and I do willingly submit to the jus- 
tice of known laws: But I have ever abhorred all arbitrary powers, or 
to be subject to the wills or passions of men; and therefore I have 
always thought, since I could think any thing upon the grounds of 
judgment or reason, that, so long as these two fore-mentioned negatives 
remained upon the people, there could be no security or freedom in the 
government held over them ; and there was no one thing that hath so 
firmly fixed me in the way I have gone, and wherein I now am, and 
to oppose the other, as, the mischiefs I understood to be in the two ne- 
gative voices of the King and the lords : Adding to this the two funda- 
mental court-errors, and destructive positions, maintained and held 
forth to the people by flattering royalists, and proud and ambitious 
prelates, viz. that the King had an original right to rule : And, second- 
ly, that the King was accountable to none but God for his misgovern- 
ment; for, lay but these two together with the negative voice, and let 
any man judge what they may and must necessarily produce, in point 
of tyranny and oppression over the people. 

I trust I have shewed you the true original of all just power and 
authority, and from whence it is that the exercise of authority and 
power is practised among men over one another; I have shewed you 
also the justice which lies in this: ' That Kings, rulers, and governors, 
and particularly the King of this nation, should be accountable to the 
people for their misgovernments' ; and how destructive a tenet it is to 
say, ' That a King hath right to rule over men upon earth, and that 
yet God hath not given a power to earthly men to call him to account 
for misgovernment ;' unless you will suppose that Kings at first did fall 
from heaven, and were sent down from abore to exercise their wills, 
and act their lusts below. 

And having said thus much upon this subject, only to give a hint, 
from whence you may observe (till the parliament's own declaration be 
published, which, I hope, will fully and clearly set them out) what the 
grounds and reasons were, that the parliament had found the kingly 
office, within this nation, to be useless and dangerous ; and why, there- 
fore, they will no more trust the crown upon the head of any one person, 
nor transfer the custody of the liberties of England, and Englishmen, 
into the power of another, who may abuse them; and, therefore, why, 
likewise, they resolve to keep the crown within its proper place, the ca- 


binet of the law, and to allow the law only to king it among the peo- 
ple; and that the people themselves [by their representatives] shall be 
the only keepers of their own liberties, by authority derived from their 
own supreme and sovereign power, established in law and common 
surety : Which brings me now to the stile of our commissions, Custodes 
libertatis* Angliue authoritate parliamenti. 

And, touching the King of England's right to rule, or title of law, by 
inheritance and descent, to the crmvn of England, thus much may be 
safely and truly said : That, if it be an ancient and original inheritance 
fixed in any one family, it was gained at first by the power of the 
sword, and by conquest; which title, in law, is but a disseisin, and an 
unlawful title, and therefore may be again as justly regained, as it was 
gained at first by force, and by the stronger arm and sharper sword. 
And, as it was so gained at first, so it hath been ever since, either by 
the like pure force, or else by consent of parliament, upon particular 
cases, kept and continued ; and so yoti will find, if you look, how every 
King, since the Norman William (called the Conqueror) came to the 
crown: For, of all those five-and- twenty Kings and Queens, which have 
since that time kinged it among us, there are but seven of them, who 
could pretend legally to succeed their former predecessors, either by 
lineal or collateral title. I have not leisure to repeat the particulars; 
and this, I have said, may serve to give you occasion (if you be so mind- 
ed) to look further into it, and to satisfy your judgments herein, and, by 
consequence, to keep you from engaging against yourselves, and the na- 
tion, for a name, or for a thing, which is not truth. 

And now I come to that, which is our true business, our work of the 
first magnitude, opus diet in die suo, the articles of your charge, which I 
intend (for the better helping of your memories) to deliver to you in 
writing, with the laws and the punishments; and briefly to run over the 
rehearsal of the facts only, without further mention concerning them; 
yet with such necessary expositions and explanations of particulars, as 
shall be needful in my passage through them; adding only this for an 
animadversion to you, that you and 1 are trusted, at this time, with the 
administration of justice in our own country, amidst all the tempta- 
tions, which our several relations of friends, kindred, or acquaintance, 
can offer unto us ; which shews, that they, who do so trust us, have 
great assurance and confidence in us ; and then we must conclude, that 
this confidence puts a greater obligation upon us to fidelity and inte- 
grity in the discharge and performance of that trust committed to us. 
Add to this that vinculum animce, the bond of the soul, the obligation 
of an oath, and I doubt not but it will be found, that, though love, fear, 
and particular interest be the usual cords which halter justice, yet, at 
this time, they will be found to be, among us, but sorry and unmas- 
culine pieces of rhetorick, either to affright us from, or soften us in our 

The matter of your charge will be to enquire into, and find out the 
several offences, which have been committed and done against the poli- 
tick body of the commonwealth, as so many several diseases and infirmi- 
ties in the several parts of the natural body of a man, which distemper 
and endanger the health of the whole ; and they are of four sorts. 



"First, Such as are against thr peace of the commonwealth, or where- 
by publick peace is disturbed ; and those I call diseases endangering the 
heart of this politick body. 

Secondly, Such as ate against the justice of the commonwealth, or 
whereby publick justice is perverted ; and those I call diseases endan- 
gering the head of this politick body. 

Thirdly, Such as are against the plenty of the commonwealth, or 
whereby publick plenty is diminished; and those I call diseases offend- 
ing the stomach of this politick body. 

Fourthly, Such as are aoainst the beauty and good complexion of 
the commonwealth, or when-by this beauty and good complexion is dis- 
coloured and defaced, contained under the name and title of common 
nusances; and those I call diseases offending the outward senses of this 
politick body. 

Touching those against peace, they are of five sorts. 

1. Treasons; which, again, are either high treason or petty treason. 

2. Felonies ; which, again, are done either against the publick, or 
against the particular person, or possession, of another. 

3. Premunire. 

4. Misprisions. 

5. Trespasses. 

High treasons are these. 

1. If any levy war against the supreme authority of the nation, or 
adhere to the enemies thereof. And, when I do so express it, supreme 
authority, I give you the meaning of the Slat. 25 E. III. 2. which men- 
tions it thus: 'If any levy war against the King, or adhere to the King's 
enemies within the realm.' For the name and word King (quatcnus the 
chief officer is trusted with the government in the administration of that 
government) is frequently used to set forth the publick interest of the 
people; so we call it the King's peace, the King's coin, the King's 
highway, and the like: All which, in truth, are the publick concern- 
ments of the people, being for their publick use and benefit, and are 
therefore expressed and exhibited unto us under the notion of the King's 
name, because he is theirpublick officer, and trusted for them. . So that 
to levy war against the King, or to adhere to the King's enemies, is to 
levy war against the kingdom, and the government of it, and the supreme 
power and authority of it; or, which is more plain in the expression, 
to levy war without lawful warrant ?.n<l authority so to do. And yet 
this, I believe, was that which hath misled (and, perhaps, may still 
mislead) many of our countrymen : That, because they had the person 
of the King with them (betwixt whom and whom there were mutual 
and reciprocal deceivings) and they (never remembering, that, when in 
person he deserted the parliament, he left the King and kingly authority 
behind him, because he left the kingly office, and the power thereof, and 
publick government behind him) they catched at the shadow, and let 
go the substance ; and so, under colour of fighting for the King, they 
fought against him. Yet, because omnis iion capit hoc, every man did 
not understand this distinction betwixt the politick and natural body of 
the King, therefore see how mercifully and favourably the parliament 
bath dealt with these men, that they have not pressed the rigour of the 


law upon the offenders of this kind ; whose offences being high-treason 
by the fundamental justice of this nation, and so their lives and whole 
estates, lands, and goods, being forfeited by the law for the same, yet this 
forfeiture hath not been exacted .upon them ; but, in hope they will at 
last see <ihcir errors, and repent for their misdoings, the parliament hath 
been pleased to carry a more tender hand, and, by way of commutation, 
to pass over their offences with the punishment of a small fine for such 
misdoings, yet with this silent admonition, like that to the woman in the 
gospel, ' Go thy way, and. sin no more, lest a worse thing happen unto 

2. If any counterfeit the great seal, privy seal, or privy signet. 

3. If any counterfeit the coin of the nation, or otherwise .clip, or di- 
minish it. 

4. If any kill a judge, or justice of oyer and terminer, in his place, 
doing his office. 

5. If any Jesuit, or seminary priest, born in England, and ordained 
and professed beyond sea, by authority derived from the see of Rome, 
do come into, or abide within this realm. 

6. If any the second time extol, defend, or maintain, within this 
realm, the usurped jurisdiction, or authority of the Pope, or any other 
foreign prince. 

7. If any bring over and put in ure, or receive from beyond sea any 
bull, or instrument of absolution, or reconciliation, to absolve the peo- 
ple of this nation from their allegiance here to the see of Rome; or en- 
deavour the second time to withdraw the people to the obedience of the 
see of Rome; or, if any be absolved, reconciled, or withdrawn. And 
here you must understand, that, in treasons, actors and concenters are 
principals, and there are no accessaries at all in treason. 

Petty treasons are these. 

If a servant kill his or V'r master or mistress. 
If a wife kill her husband. 


Touching premunire, it is, properly, a writ, or process of summons, awarded 
against such as brought in bulls, or citations from the court of Rome, to 
obtain ecclesiastical benefices, by "way of provision, before they fell void; 
for, of old time, divers acts of parliament were made, viz. in the times 
of King Edward the Third, King Richard the Second, and King Henry 
the Fourth, against tne Pope's exercise of jurisdiction within this nation, 
and against those subjects that did appeal, from the courts of justice 
here, to the court of Rome ; and -who obtained provisions there, to have 
abbies and priories, or benefices with cure, here; which proceedings 
tended (say those statutes) to the destruction nf the realm, and of reli- 
gion. Therefore, these being held to be great offences, and so tending 
to the disherison of the rights belonging to the crown and the people of 
England, and to the destruction of the common law, are made to, be 
grievously punishable, viz. 1>o be imprisoned during life, to forfeit lands 
and goods, and to be put out of the protection of Ihe law. Afterward 
other later laws were made in the time of Queen Elisabeth, against other 
offences of like nature, wherewith we have now to do ; namely, 

ii 2 


If any send over, or contribute money, or relief, for maintenance of 
any Jesuit, or seminary priest, or college beyond sea. 

It' any extol, defend, or maintain the jurisdiction or authority of the 
Pope (or of any other foreign prince) within this nation. 

If any bring over any agnus Dei, crosses, pictures, or beads, hallowed 
(as they call it) at Rome, to disperse among the people, or if any person 
receive any such, or know of this offence, and conceal it three days. 

If any do aid, or assist those, who put in ure any Pope's bulls, or in- 
struments of absolution brought from Rome. 

Misprision of treason are these. 

If any know another to be guilty of high-treason, and do conceal it. 
If any forge or counterfeit foreign coin, not current here. 
If any utter counterfeit coin, knowing it to bf such. 
If any strike, or draw a sword, to strike a justice, sitting in place of 

Felonies against the person of another are these. 

If any commit homicide, viz. kill or slay another. 

If, out of precedent malice, expressed or implied, it ia murther. 

If, upon a sudden falling out, it is manslaughter. 

If in doing a lawful action, it is called chance-medley, misadventure, 
or misfortune. 

If in his own defence, it is so stiled, homicide se- defendendum, and sp 
aUo poisoning, stabbing, and bewitching to death are homicides. 

If any commit a rape, viz. have the carnal knowledge of a woman 
against her will, or with her will, if she be under ten years old. 

If any take away, or consent, orassist to take away any maid, widow, 
or wife, against her will, she being then interested in lands or goods. 

If any marry a second husband, or wife, the first being alive. 

If any commit buggery, or sodomy, a crime inter Christianas non 
nominandum, says the indictment. 

If a gipsy, or counterfeit Egyptian, have continued a month within 
this nation. 

If any person, appointed by law to abjure, refuse it, or return after 

If any do wilfully, and maliciously, cut out the tongue, or put out 
the eyes of another. 

If any receive, or relieve, or maintain any Jesuit, or other seminary 
priest, knowing him to be such. 

If any incorrigible rogue, judged dangerous, and banished, return 

If any dangerous rogue, branded in the shoulder, return again (o a 
roguish life. 

If any person, infected with the plague, wilfully go abroad, and con- 
verse among company. 

Felonies against the Possession are these. 

If any break a dwelling-house in the night, with intent to do any for 
lonious act there. 


If any rob another by the high-way, or take any thing privately from 
his person. 

If any take the goods of another in his absence, with intent to steal 

If any servant go away with his master's goods (delivered to him) 
with intent to steal them, being of the value of forty shillings, or above. 

If any rob a church. 

If any maliciously burn the house, or stack of corn, or barn of corn, 
of another. 

If any take up a hawk, and do not carry her to the sheriff, to be pro- 

If any do, the second time, forge any deed, evidence, or writing, and 
publish it to be a good deed. 

If any acknowledge a fine, or judgment, or deed, to be inrolled in the 
name of another, and not being the true person. 

If any rase, imbezzle, or withdraw any record of the court. 

If any use the art of multiplication of gold, or silver. 

If any hunt by night in parks or warrens, with painted faces, or other 
disguises, and deny it upon examination. 

If any persons, above twelve in number, raise any tumults or unlaw- 
ful assemblies. 

If above forty persons shall assemble together to do any unlawful 
act, and shall continue together, three hours, after proclamation for 
their departure. 

If any depart out of this nation, to serve a foreign prince, without 
leave, and before bond entered, and oath taken according to the statute. 

If any soldier, or mariner, who hath received press-wages, according to 
the statute, do afterward depart from their service, without license. 

If any such soldier or mariner, do wander and beg, without a pass, 
or if they counterfeit their pass. 

If any person having the custody of publick stores of victuals, or am- 
munition, imbezzle, or purloin any of it, to the value of twenty shil- 
lings, or above. 

If any do the second time transport sheep beyond sea. 

If any persuade another to commit any felony, or receive and assist 
any felon, after the felony committed, these are accessaries to the 

If any rescue a felon from prison. 

If any felon break prison, and escape, or be suffered to escape, and be 

Misprision of felony is this. 
It any know another to have committed felony, and do not reveal it. 

Trespasses and offences against the peace, finable, are these. 

If any menace, assault, beat, or wound another. 

If any make unlawful entry upon other men's lands, or unlawfully 
take away other men's goods. 

If any make unlawful assemblies, routs, or riots. 

If any chide, brawl, or draw a weapon to strike, or do strike in a 
church, or church-yard. 

ii 3 


If any keep a fair, or market, in any church, or church-yard. 

If any say, or hear mass. 

If papists be absent from church, a month together. 

If any keep a recusant school-master, or other recusant servant in his 

If any shall voluntarily disturb the preacher in his sermon. 

If any affirm, that the eating of fish, or forbearing flesh at set times, 
are necessary for our salvation, or for other purpose, than as a politick 

If any frame, make, or publish any false, scandalous, writing, or pic- 
ture against another, or libellous, or to the disgrace of others, or whereby 
to move contention amongst the people. 

And, touching this devilish intention of libelling and defaming others, 
in these days, more frequent than ever, by false and horrible lyes, and 
slanders, and pamphlets published even against the parliament itself, and 
every member of it, and every man that wishes well to it, yourselves can 
testify how frequent it is, and hath been of late, and therefore I beseech 
you be careful to find out some of those, who have been offenders 
in it 

And thus you have here mention of the offences against publick 
peace, which are so many diseases in the heart of the politick body of 
the commonwealth. 

Next come the offences against publick justice, which are also to be found 
out by us ; and these are either against justice in the general, or are of- 
fences by officers trusted in particular administrations, or by artificers, 
and labourers, and masters, and servants. 

Offences against justice in general. 

If any be a common stirrer, and procurer of law-suits, or a common 
brabbleror quarreller, among his neighbours; this is barratry. 

If any buy or contract, fora pretended right or title to land, or other 
thing in controversy of suit ; this is unlawful buying of titles. 

If any maintain the law suit of another, to have part of the thing in 
demand, otherwise ; this is maintenance or champerty. 

If any get goods of another into his hands, by false tokens and messa- 
ges; this is a deceit punishable. 

If any counterfeit any deed or writing, and publish it as true, this is 

If any corrupt a jury-man, by bribery or menace, to divert him from 
giving a just verdict, this is imbracery. 

If any corrupt any of you of the grand jury, by bribes, or otherwise, 
to make favourable presentments. 

If any informer, upon penal laws, do not duly pursue his information, 
or, if he sue out a process, before the information be exhibited, or com- 
pound before the defendant hath answered, or after an answer without 

If any wilfully and corruptly swear falsly, in evidence to a jury, it is 
perjury : and to procure another so to to do, is subornation of perjury. 

If any take more interest upon loan of money, than after eight pounds 
per cent, for a year, this is unlawful usury and extortion. 


Touching publick officers, trusted in the administration of justice, and fail' 
ing in their Duty. 

first, the sheriff". 

This is a great officer, and is much trusted in the service of the peo- 
ple, and, by the state of articulum super chartas, is to be chosen yearly 
by the people, that they might the better be assured of those they trust- 
ed. But this privilege of election (among others) the people have lost, 
and the court, of later times, did learn how to make profit, both by 
electing sheriffs, as also by keeping them off from being fleeted. 

In his office you find him a judge, and a minister of justice : He is a 
judge in his court, called the Turn, and sits as judge, and hath the pro- 
fits in the court, called the County Court. 

Touching the Turn. 

If the sheriff, or his deputy, do not send indictments, found in his 
turn, to the next sessions. 

If the sheriff, or bailiffs, arrest any person upon an indictment in his 
turn, or levy the fines, or amerciaments, imposed in his turn, without 
warrant indented from the sessions. 

Touching the County Court. 

If the sheriff, or his bailiffs, enter plaints in his county court, in the 
absence of the plaintiff, or of some other known person authorised by 

If the sheriff, or his bailiffs, enter more plaints than one, in his county 
court, upon one cause of action. 

If the sheriff, or his bailiffs, fail to summon the defendant to appear 
at the county court. 

If the sheriff, or his bailiffs, levy the amerciaments, set in the county 
court, upon the defendants for not appearing, called, the Sheriff's amer- 
ciaments, without an indented estreat between him and two justices of 
the peace. 

As a minister of justice. 

If the sheriff let his county or bailiwick to farm. 

If the sheriff, or his bailiffs, collect the gieen-wax estreats ot the ex- 
chequer, without shewing the estreats under seal. 

If the sheriff's officer, or jailer, for any cause, but court fees, detain 
any prisoner in jail, after the court hath discharged him. 

If any sheriff make out any warrant to make an arrest, not having the 
process then in his custody. 

If the sheriff, or his deputy, take for breaking-up a common law mean 
process, and making an arrest,-above two shillings and four pence, viz. 
twenty pence the warrant, four pence the arrest, and fpur pence the 
bond, if the defendant be bound, or four pence the jailer, if the defen- 
dant come to the jail. 

If the sheriff, or his deputy, take above one shilling a pound for doing 
an execution, under one-hundred pounds, and six pence a pound for 
every hundred pounds more, and this, after the execution is levied. 

H 4 


If the sheriff, or his bailiff take any money, or other reward, for 
sparing an arrest, or for letting to bail persons not bailable, or for 
shewing him any other favour. 

If the sheriffs refuse to let to bail persons arrested upon mean process, 
who are bailable by law. 

If the sheriff, or his deputy, take a bond, for appearance of any 
other form, than that directed by the statute. 

If the sheriff return any jurors, without their true addition. 

If the sheriff or his deputy take any thing, for making and returning 
pannels of juries, or take above four-pence for the copy of one pannel. 

If the sheriff or jailer deny to receive, without fee, felons sent to the 

If the bailiff of any liberty do not perform the same duties as are 
enjoined to sheriffe, in executing warrants and processes directed to 

Touching the constable. 

This is an officer of justice, and an officer of peace, and is of great trust, 
and good use, if he perform his duty ; and therefore, by the icay Itt 
me say, that care must be taken by the justices of peace, and stewards 
in leets, that able and honest persons, and Jit for the service, be put 
into this employment. 

If he does not endeavour to preserve the peace and prevent the breach 
of it. 

If he does not arrest night-walkers, and suspected persons. 

If he does not hastily pursue hue-and-cry after murtherers, and rob- 

If he does not cause watch by night, and ward by day, to be kept 
within his office, from Ascension-day, to Michaelmas-day, and ward 
by day, the rest of the year. 

If he does not truly execute and return all warrants sent to him, 
from justices of the peace. 

If he does not appoint in Easter-week overseers of highways. 

If he does not apprehend beggars, rogues, and vagabonds that are 
wandering or begging within his office, and if any have hindered him 
from doing his duty therein. 

If he does not punish, by the stocks, such as refuse to labour in hay 
and harvest-time. 

If he docs not inventory felons goods happening within his office. 

If he does not, once a month, search ale-houses, maltmakers houses, 
and houses of gaming and bawdery. 

If he docs not present at the sessions, or to the next justices, the dis- 
orders in ale-houses, defects in highways, recusants absence from 
church, and such as keep dogs, guns, nets, and the like, for the un- 
lawful taking of wild-fowls and hares. 

If he does not drive the commons within his office for infected and 
unlawful cattle, once (at least) in summer. 


If he fail to perform his .duty upon summons as well where the fact 
is by misadventures, as by man's hand. 


If he take any fee, where the fact is by misadventure. 

If he take any fee, above thirteen shillings and four-pence where the 
fact is by man's hand, and that of the goods of the manslayer, if he be 
in custody; or, if he escape, then of the town, where the fact was 

Clerk of the market. 

If he take any common fine for dispensing with faults in weights and 

If he take any fee for marking weights and measures, but those al- 
lowed, viz. one penny fora bushel and hundred-weight; half a penny 
for half a bushel, and half a hundred-weight ; a farthing for every less 
weight or measure. 

Clerk of the peace. 

If he take any fee for his office-doing, but those allowed, viz* for an 
ale-house recognisance, one shilling. 

For a badger's or drover's license, two shillings. 

For inrolling presentments for recusants 0. 

For inrolling of a recognisance of a rogue, taken into service, one 

For inrolling a deed of bargain, and sale of land, being under forty 
shillings per annum value, one shilling. 

And if it exceed forty shillings, per annum value, two shillings and 


So formerly called, as having had jurisdictionem ordinariam in jure pro- 
prio. But that name and thing fell away with the bishops. And the 
officer, who now officiates in that service of proving the last wills, and 
granting the administration of the goods of dead men in the southern 
province, doth it now by the mediate authority and power of the par- 
liament, by vertue of an ordinance for that purpose. But, in these 
northern parts, the old authority is both boldly and unlawfully exercised, 
and continued without any warrant at all. But touching the fees, 
taken upon these occasions, thus much is to your present purpose. 

If he take any fee, but those allowed for proving of a will, or grant- 
ing an administration, viz. 

Where the inventory exceeds forty pounds, five shillings. 

Where it is under forty pounds, and above five pounds, three shil- 
lings and six-pence. 

Where but five pounds, or under, six-pence. 

Or a penny for every ten lines, ten inches long, which rate is also al- 
lowed for their copies. 

And what is taken, more than those, is extortion. 

If any minister take any mortuary, but where the custom of the place 
allows it; or where it is allowed, if he take any mortuary for an infant, 
feme covert, or traveller ; or if he take any thing, where the inventory 
is under ten marks; or, if he take above three shillings and four-pence, 
where the inventory is above ten marks, and under thirty pounds ; or, 


if he take above six shillings and eight-pence, where the inventory is 
above thirty pounds, and under forty pounds; or, if he take above ten 
shillings, where the inventory is above forty pounds. 

Searchers and sealers of leather. 

If they be not appointed by the owner of the market, in market 

If they (being appointed) refuse the office. 

If they do not, in convenient time, perform their duty and office 
npon particular occasions when leather is brought to them to view. 

If they be not furnished with a register-book and a seal. 

If they fail to set down all bargains of tanned and unwrought lea- 

If they allow such as is iasufficient, or disallow such as is sufficient. 

If they take any fee, save such as is allowed, viz. for every ten hides, 
two pence, and for every six dozen of calves-skins, two-pence. 

If triers of tanned leather, seized for insufficient, be not appointed by 
the owners and rulers of fairs or markets. 

If the triers refuse to perform their duty, 


If owners or rulers of fairs and markets have not appointed some cer- 
tain place for sale of horses there, and a toll-gatherer to attend. 

If the toll-gatherer do not sit in an open place, in markets and fairs, 
where horses and cattle are sold, and continue there from ten of the 
clock in the morning, till sun-set. 

If he do not keep a register-book, and therein set down the bargains 
brought before him, and have the parties and vouchers present which 
he knows. 

If he take any fee or reward save that allowed, viz. a penny for one 
bargain entering. 

If any person, coming in as a voucher, take upon him the knowledge 
of the seller, and do not in truth know him. 

If the toll-gatherer refuse to deliver a copy of his entry, or take above 
two-pence for it. 

Overseers of the poor. 

If they refuse to execute their office, being appointed thereto by the 
justices of peace. 

If they do not provide a common stock, and take care to keep the 
poor at work upon the common stock of the parish. 

If they do not meet once a month particularly to confer about the 
performance of their duty. 

If they do not raise a weekly taxation for the maintenance of the im- 
potent poor. 

If they suffer their parishioners to wander and beg out of their parish, 
or in their parish, without license. 

Overseers of high-ways. 

If they refuse to execute the office, being chosen thereto by the con- 
stable and neighbourhood. 


If they do not, upon the next Sunday after Easter, appoint publickly 
in the church six days betwixt that and Midsummer, foi the neigh- 
bours to meet for mending the highways in the parish. 

If they do not attend at the days appointed to direct the works. 

If they do not present to the next justice of the peace, or at the next 
sessions, the defaults of absent parishioners. 

If they do not present to the two next justices of peace ^he defects of 
high-ways, and of not scouring the ditches, that should lead and avoid 
the water from standing in high-ways. 

Touching artificers, labourers, masters, and servants. 

If artificers, labourers, or servants conspire what wages to take, and 
not to work under those rates. 

If artificers or labourers undertake work, and depart before it be 

If they do not continue from five of the clock in the morning till 
seven at night in the summer, and from seven till five in winter. 

If labourers or servants take any more wages than the rates allowed 
by the justices. 

If any servant assault master or mistress. 

If a tradesman retain a journeyman for less time than a year. 

If for every three apprentices they do not keep one journeyman ; and 
for every apprentice above three, one journeyman more. 

If they refuse to labour in hay-time or harvest. 

If a servant depart from one parish to another, without a testimonial 
from his master. 

If any master hire any such servants wanting such a testimonial. 

If any servant depart within his term, or at the end of his term, with- 
out a quarter's warning, unless the cause be allowed before two justices 
of peace. 

If any master put away his servant within his term, or at the end of 
his term, without a .quarter's .warning, unless the cause be allowed be- 
fore two justices of peace. 

Brasiers and Peu'terers. 

If any brasier or pewterer buy or exchange any metal belonging to 
his trade, but in open shop, or fair, or market. 

If they sell their wares of metar not of the allay of London. 

If they use any deceitful weights or false beams. 

Cordwainers, viz. a tanner, currier, shoe-maker, and butcher, dealing with 

the hide. 

If he set his fats in tan-hills. 

If he over- lime his hides. 

If he tan any leather in warm owze. 

If he do not work the lime well out of the leather.' 

If he use any stuff but malt, meal, tapwort, hen-dung, culver-dung, 
ash-bark, and oak-bark. 

If he use any deceitful mixture for raising his hides. 

If he suffer his hides to be frozen with winter-frost, or to be parched 
with summer-sun, or to be dried by the fire. 


If he tan any rotten hides. 

If he do not renew his owze so often as need requires. 

If he do not keep his soal-leather twelve months, and upper-leather 
nine months in the o\v/e. 

If he sell any tanned leather, which is insufficiently tanned. 

If he sell any tanned leather out of a market. 

If he sell any tanned leather, before it be searched and sealed. 

If any tanner be a currier or a shoemaker, or use any other trade 
which cuts leather, or e contra. 

Cur tier. 

If he dwell out of a market town, or exercise his trade in a shoe- 
maker's house. 

If he curry any leather but such as is sufficiently tanned. 

If he use any other stuff in currying outer-soal-leather, but good hard 
tallow, and no less thereof than the leather will receive. 

If he gash or scald any hide, or shave any leather too thin. 

If he refuse to curry leather brought to him with stuff to work it, or 
if he keep it in summer above eight days, and in winter above sixteen 

If he be a tanner or shoemaker, while he is a currier. 


If he do not make his wares of good leather, soal and upper-leather 
well-tanned, and well sewed with thread well waxed and twisted, and 
hard drawn with hand -leathers. 

If he mix his wares, part neats-leather, part calf, horse, or bull-hide. 

If he sell any wares upon Sundays. 


If he gash, slaughter, or cut any hide in fleaing. 

If he water any hide, save in June, July, or August. 

If he sell any corrupt or rotten hides. 

If he sell any hide but in open market. 

If he use the trade of a tanner. 

Tanned Leather. 

If any buy tanned leather, red and unwrought, and do not make it 
into made wares. 

If any but tanners buy rough hides. 

If any buy tanned leather out of a market. 

If any buy tanned leather before it be searched and sealed. 

If any refuse and resist the searchers to make search. 

If any ingross oak-bark. 


If any use raking of Hnnen-cloth, or use lime or other undue mixture 
iu whitening linnen-cloth. 



If he make his ware of unseasoned wood. 

If he do not make it of due assize, viz. The barrel thirty-six gallons 
of beer, and of ale or soap thirty- two. 

The kilderkins after the same proportion. 
The firkins after the same proportion. 
If he do not set his mark upon it. 


If he do not dig his earth before the first of November, and turn it 
over before the first of February, and turn it again before the first of 
March, and then try and tue it from stones. 

If he make his tile of less assize than ten inches and an half long, and 
six inches and a quarter broad ; and gutter-tile ten inches long, and 
ridge-tile fourteen inches long, and half an inch and a quarter thick. 

And so I have done with theoffencesof this kind, which are against pub- 
lick justice; and now I come to those which are against the publick plenty 
of the stores of food and provision for the people, and are therefore in 
these hard and dear times to be most carefully prevented, if it may be, 
at least by such ways as the law directs. 

Touching the plenty of the country, and the disorders by victuallers. 

In general, whatsoever tends to inhance the price of victuals for un- 
lawful increasing particular men's profits by it, this is an offence against 
the plenty of it ; and therefore, 

If any do buy any sort of victuals as it is coming to a market or fair, 
either by water or land, it is fore-stalling. 

If any buy victuals in a market, and sell it again within four miles, 
it is regrating. 

If any buy any dead victuals, or corn growing upon the ground, with 
intent to sell it again, it is ingrossing. 

If any victuallers conspire to sell their victuals at unreasonable prices. 

If any victuallers sell any unwholesome victuals. 

If any buy corn, having sufficient for his house-provision for a year, 
and do not the same day bring so much other corn to the market to be 

If any drover or other buy cattel, and sell them again alive, within 
five weeks. 

If any person take upon him to be a badger of corn, not being lawfully 
licensed by four justices of peace. 

If any buy butter or cheese in gross, and sell it again in gross, or by 
retail out of an open shop. 

If any forbear to rear calves yearly, viz. one calf for every two kine, 
or every three-score sheep he keeps ; or do not keep a milched cow for 
every three-score sheep. 

If any transport sheep, corn, butter, or cheese beyond sea. 

If any keep above two-thousand sheep at once. 

If any destroy wild-fowls eggs, or take wild-fowl between the last of 
May and the last of August. 


If any hawk in standing corn. 

If any, not qualified, keep dogs, ferrets, nets, or engines, to take hares, 
conies, pheasants, or partridges. 

If any trace hares in the snow. 

If any take or kill pheasants or partridges with engines, nets, or snares, 
or by shooting in guns. 

If any shoot hail-shot in guns. 

If any do unlawfully hunt or kill deer, or conies, in a park or warren. 

If any sell pheasants, partridges, or hares. 


If any alehouse-keeper keep an alehouse, not being licensed thereunto. 

If they sell less than a quart a penny the best, and two quarts a 
penny of the worse sort. 

If they suffer unlawful tippling or drinking, games, tables, cards, or 
dice in their houses. 

If inn-keepers do not sell their hay and oats at reasonable prices. 

If tavern-keepers suffer people to sit tippling in their houses. 

If any person continue tippling and drinking in taverns, inns, or ale- 

If any person be drunk. 


If any baker sell his bread of less weight than the due assize, vjz. 
proportionable to the price of corn in the market, as it is regulated by a 
printed assize-book, set out to that purpose. 

If they do not set their proper mark upon their bread. 

If they give above thirteen to the dozen. 

If any but bakers bake horse-bread to sell. 


If any butcher kill and sell calves under five weeks old, or any wean- 
ing under two years old. 

If they sell any measled hogs, or beast that died of the murrain, or 
other corrupt or unwholesome meat. 


If any destroy the fry of fish, or fish with nets less than two inches 
and an half wide in the mash. 

If any kill any salmon under sixteen inches long, or pickerils under 
ten inches long, or trouts under eight inches long, or barbels under 
twelve inches long. 

If dried barrel fish (brought in by strangers) be not of due assize, viz. 
in barrels of herrings thirty-two gallons, in barrels of eels thirteen gallons, 
in a butt of salmon four score and four gallons. 

If any bring any cod or ling from beyond sea, in barrels to be sold, 
or otherwise than loose in bulk. 

If any set a tax, or toll, or restraint upon fish brought into this nation 
to be sold. 

If any cut out or destroy heads or dams of ponds, moats, or stews 
of fish, in any man's several fishings. 



If any malt-maker do not make his malt of good and sweet barley, 
not mow-burnt or spired barley. 

If they do not rub it, and dress it well, and fan half a peck of dust 
out of every quarter. 

If it be less time than three weeks in the fat, floor, and drying. 


If any miller take excessive toll for grinding corn, viz. above a twen- 
tieth part, or twenty fourth part, according to the strength of the water. 


If any bring in wine in foreign bottoms. 

If any bring in wine in vessels, not of due assize, viz. the butt one 
hundred twenty-six gallons, hogshead sixty-three gallons, pipe'one-hun- 
dred twenty-six gallons, terce eighty-four gallons, tun two-hundred fifty- 
two gallons. 

If any sell wine, above the price proclaimed in chancery. 

And thus you see how the publick plenty of the country is diminished 
for a few men's particular gains ; and you see also how the abuses may 
be reformed, to a general ad vantage of all the people. 

Lastly, Common nusances are to be enquired after. 

Touching common nusances, or offences, done against the general 
easements of the people, as, against the health, beauty, and good com- 
plexion of the body politick, are these. 

If any erect a cottage, and do not lay four acres of ground to it, to be 
occupied with it. 

If any continue such unlawful cottage. 

If any keep an inmate, or undersitter, in a cottage. 

If any common bridge be out of repair. 

If high-ways to market-towns be not enlarged and cleansed of wood, 
two hundred feet at least. 

If any common highway be out of repair, or if any ditches be un- 
scoured, or undressed, which should conveigh and avoid the water from 
standing in high-ways. 

If the parishioners have not met at the day appointed, to mend the 
high-ways, as the law directs. 

Jf any keep common gaming-houses, bowling-allies, or the like. 

If any common vagabonds and beggars, or wandering rogues, or dan- 
gerous rogues do pass, or be suffered to pass, from place to place, or be 
relieved, in places where they come. 

if any keep, or use, unlawful weights and measures, not according to 
the standard of the exchequer; or if weights and measures, of the stan- 
dard assize, be not kept in every market town. 

If any use any weights or measures, unsearched or unsealed. 

If any profane the Lord's day, viz. by travelling that day, or by using 
sports, and unlawful exercises that day. 

If any profanely swear or curse. 


If any keep a stoned horse in any common ground, not being fourteen 
hands high. 

And thus you see how the wisdom of the common laws of this nation, 
and of the parliaments, from time to time, hath provided for the 
security and ease of the people ; and hath furnished us with a salve for 
every sore ; and gives us rules and instructions, how to govern ourselves, 
that we may be helpful and useful to one another ; and from whence it 
is, that we may well conclude, ' If we keep the law, the law will keep us ;' 
and that, ' if we place the law in the throne, the law will preserve and 
protect us, in safety and security/ Touching the offences, which are 
committed by disobedient and lawless persons: You that are culled out 
from all the parts of the country, and chosen to be the chief agents, and 
first movers (as I may speak) in this work of justice, which is the sub- 
ject of this day's service, and are the country's trustees for that purpose ; 
I do not question, but your publick spirits are such, and common love 
to your country such, (taking in even your own interests and particular 
profits and concernments) that you will be more ordinary careful to 
cleanse the country of these weeds, and darnel, and cockle, that grow 
up among the corn; those wicked and unreasonable men, which are as 
pricks and goads, in the sides of others, and live idly, loosly, and wick- 
edly, among the people, and are, as so many plague-sores, spread over 
the body of the country ; and the way, to cleanse the country of them, 
is to execute justice upon them ; for the execution of justice is the work 
of God himself, the end of the law, the command of the parliament, the 
magistrates honour, the offenders terror, and the expectation of all ho- 
nest men: And therefore (as once it was spoken in another case) let it 
not seem a small thing to you, who are to begin this work of justice, 
that you are separated from the congregation, and brought near to the 
God of heaven, to do the service of the tabernacle, and to stand before 
the people, and to minister unto them. And, having said thus much, 1 
leave what remains to your diligence. All our service begins in you ; 
it is your ignoramus, or billa vera, which opens and shuts, \vhich shuts 
and no man opens. 

( 129 ) 




From the horrid and detestable murder of King Charles the First, of glo- 
rious memory. With their names subscribed, about the twentieth of 
January, 1648. 

ISAIAH Ixii. 1. 

For Zion's sake I will not hold my peace, and for Jerusalem's sake I will 
not rest, until the righteousness thereof go forth as brightness, and the sal- 
ration thereof as a lamp that burneth. 

PROVERBS xxiv. 21, 22. 

My son, fear thou the Lord and the King, and meddle net with them 
that are given to change. 

For their calamity shall rise suddenly, and who Jcnoweth the ruin of 
them both ? 

London, printed in the year MDCXLVIII. Quarto, containing- six pages. 

IT cannot be unknown how much we and other ministers of this city 
and kingdom; that faithfully adhered to the parliament, have inju- 
riously smarted under the scourge of evil tongues and pens, ever since 
the first eruption of the unhappy differences and unnatural war between 
the King and parliament, for our obedience to the commands and orders 
of the honourable houses, in their contests with his majesty, and con- 
flicts with his armies. 

We are not ignorant of the over-busy intermeddlings of prelates and 
and their party heretofore, in over-ruling civil affairs to the great endan- 
gering of the kingdoms, and of this in particular, when private interests, 
ambitious designs, revenge, or other sinister ends, engaged them beyond 
their sphere. Howbeit, it cannot reasonably (as we conceive) be denied, 
that ministers, as subjects, being bound to obey the laws, and to pre- 
serve the liberties of the kingdom, and having an interest in them, and 
the happiness of them, as well as others, may, and ought (without incur- 
ring the just censure due. to busy-bodies and incendiaries) to appear, for 
preserving the laws and liberties of that commonwealth, whereof they 
are members, especially in our case, when it was declared by the par- 
liament, that all was at stake, and in danger to be lost. No, nor, as 
ministers, ought they to hold their peace, in a time wherein the sins of 
rulers and magistrates, as well as others, have so far provoked God, as 
to kindle the fire of his wrath against his people. And yet, for this 



alone, the faithful servants of God have, in all ages, through the malice 
of Satan and his instruments, been traduced as arch-incendiaries, when 
only their accusers are indeed guilty of both laying the train, and of 
putting fire to it, to blow up a kingdom. 

And Ahab and his sycophants think none so fit to bear the odium of 
being the gsand 'troubler of Israel, as Elijah.' Thus the popish device 
was, to charge the gun-powder treason (had it taken effect) upon the 
puritans; and, if you believe Tcrtullus, even a Paul is 'a pestilent fellow, 
a mover of sedition throughout the world, a ring-leader of a sect,' and 
what not, but what he is; yea, Christ himself (tho' a friend to mo- 
narchy, even of heathenish Rome) is proclaimed 'an enemy to Caesar,' to 
open a way to his destruction, by their malice, who never cared for the 
interest of Caesar. 

Wherefore, although with us, who have have had experience oft like 
usage, ' it be a small thing to be thus judged of men,' when we regard 
only our own particular persons; for, 'if they call the master of the 
house Beelzebub, how much more those of his houshold ?' Yet, when 
we consider how much it concerns the honour of our master, and the 
good of all, to preserve our ministerial function immaculate (our good 
names being in that relation as needful to others, as a good conscience 
to ourselves) we dare not but stand by and assert the integrity of our 
hearts, and the innocency of all our actions (in reference to the king 
and kingdom) for which we are so much calumniated and traduced. 

This we are compelled to at this time, because there are many who 
very confidently (yet most unjustly) charge us to have been formerly 
instrumental towards the taking away the life of the King. And be- 
cause also there are others, who, in their scurrilous pasquils and libels 
(as well as with their virulent tongues) present us to the world as a 
' bloody seditious sect, and traitorous obstructors, of what all the godly 
people of the kingdom do earnestly desire for establishing of religion and 
peace,' in that we stick at the execution of the King, while yet we are(as 
they fal&ly affirm) content to have him convicted and condemned ; all 
which we must and do from our hearts disclaim, before the whole 

For, when we did first engage with the parliament (which we drd not 
till called. thereunto) we did with loyal hearts and affection towards 
the King, and his posterity. Not intending the least hurt to his person, 
but to stop his party from doing furllu r hurt to the kingdom ; not to 
bring his Majesty to justice (as some now speak) but to put him into a 
better capacity to do justice: 'To remove the wicked fiom before him, 
that his throne might be established in righteousness ;* not to dethrone 
and destroy him, which, we much fear, is the ready way to the destruc- 
tion of all his kingdoms. 

That which put on any of us at first toappear for the parliament was, 
1 The propositions and orders of the Lords and Commons in parliament' 
(June 10, 1642) for bringing in of money and plate, &c. wherein they 
assured us, that whatsoever should be brought in thereupon, should 
not be at all employed upon any other occasion, than to maintain, ' the 
protestant religion, the King's authority, his person in his royal dignity, 
the free course of justice, the laws of the land, the peace of the king- 


dom, and the privileges of parliament, against any force which shall op- 
pose them.' 

And in this we were daily confirmed and encouraged more and more, 
by their many subsequent declarations and protestations which we held 
ourselves bound to believe, knowing many of them to be godly and con- 
scientious men, of publick spirits, zealously promoting the common good, 
and labouring to free this kingdom from tyranny and slavery, which 
some evil instruments about the King endeavoured to bring upon the 

As for the present actings at Westminster, since the time that so many 
of the members were by force secluded, divers imprisoned, and others 
thereupon withdrew from the House of Commons (and there not being 
that conjunction of the two houses as heretofore) we are wholly unsatis- 
fied therein, because we conceive them so far from being warranted 
by sufficient authority, as that in our apprehensions they tend loan ac- 
tual alteration, if not subversion, of that which the honourable House of 
Commons, in their declaration of April 17, 164-6, have taught us to 
call, 'The fundamental constitution and government of this kingdom/ 
which they therein assure us, if we understand them, they would never 

Yea, we hold ourselves bound in duty to God, religion, the King, par- 
liament, and kingdom, to profess before God, angels, and men, that we 
verily believe that which is so much feared to be now in agitation, ' The 
taking away the life of the King/ in the present way of tryal, is, not only 
not agreeable to any word of God, the principles of'the protestant reli- 
gion (never yet stained with the least drop of the blood of a King) or the 
fundamental constitution and government of this kingdom ; but contrary 
to them, asalso to the oath of allegiance, the protestation ofMay 5,l6'41, 
and the ' solemn league and covenant ; from all or any of which engage- 
ments, we know not any power on earth able to absolve us or others.' 

In which last, we have sworn with hands lifted up to the, most high 
God, ' That we shall with sincerity, reality, and constancy, in our se- 
veral vocations, endeavour, with our estates and lives, mutually to pre- 
Sfrve and defend the rights aud privileges of the parliaments, and the li- 
berties of the kingdoms, and to preserve and defend the King's majesty's 
person and authority, in the defence of the true religion, and liberties of 
the kingdoms ; that the world may bear witnesses with^ our consciences 
of our loyalty, and that we have no thoughts or intentions to diminish 
his majesty's just power and greatness. 

And we are yet farther tiecTby another article of the same covenant; 
' Not to suffer ourselves, directly or indirectly, by whatsoever combina- 
tion, persuasion, or terror, to be divided or withdrawn from this blessed 
union and conjunction, whether tu make defection to the contrary party, 
or to give ourselves to a detestable indifterency, or neutrality, in this 
cause which so much concerns the glory of God, the good of the king- 
doms, and honour of the King; but shall, all the days of our lives, zea- 
lously and constantly continue therein against all opposition, and pro- 
mote the same according to our power against all lets and impediments 
whatsoever,' And this we have not only taken ourselves, but most of us 
have, by command of the parliament, administered it to others, whom we 



have thereby drawn in to be as deep as ourselves in this publick en-* 

Therefore, according to that our covenant, we do in the name of the 
great God, (to whom all must give a strict account) warn and exhort 
all who either more immediately belong to our respective charges, or 
any way depend on our ministry, or to whom we have administered the 
said covenant (that we may not by our silence suffer them to run upon 
that highly provoking sin of perjury) to keep close to the ways of God, 
and the rules of religion, the laws and their vows,in their constant main- 
taining the true reformed religion, the fundamental constitution and go- 
vernment of this kingdom (not suffering themselves to be seduced from 
it, by being drawn in to subscribe the late models, or * Agreement of the 
people,' which directly tends to the utter subversion of the whole frame 
of the fundamental government of the land, and makes way for an uni- 
versal toleration of all heresies and blasphemies, directly contrary to our 
covenant, if they can but get their abettors to cover them under a false 
guise of the Christian religion) as also in preserving the privileges of both 
houses of parliament, and the union between the two nations of England 
and Scotland ; to mourn bitterly for their own sins, the sins of the city, 
army, parliament, and kingdom, and the woful miscarriages of the King 
himself (which we cannot but acknowledge to be many and very great) 
in his government, that have cost the three kingdoms so dear, and cast 
him down from his excellency into a horrid pit of misery, almost be- 
yond example. And to pray that God would both give him effectual 
repentance, and sanctify that bitter cup of divine displeasure, that the 
divine providence hath put into his hand ; as also that God would re- 
strain the violence of men, ' that they may not dare to draw upon them- 
selves, and the kingdom, the blood of their sovereign.' 

And now, we have good reason to expect that they who brought us 
under such a bond, and thereby led us into the necessity of this present 
vindication and manifestation of our judgments, and discharge of our 
consciences, should defend us in it. However, we resolve rather to be 
of their number that tremble at his terrors who is a consuming fire, and 
will not fail to ' avenge the quarrel of his covenant,' upon all that con- 
temn it, than to be found among those who ' despise the oath by breaking 
his covenant (after lifting up the hand') although it had been made but 
in civil things only, and that with the worst of men. 

C. Surges, D.D. Preacher of the Word, in Paul's, London. 
Will. Gouge, D.D. Pastor of Black-friers. 
Edmund Stanton, D.D. Pastor of Kingston. 
Thomas Temple, D.D. Pastor of Battersey. 
George Walker, Pastor of John Evangelist. 
^Edmund Calamy, Pastor of Aldermanbury. 
Jeremiah Whitaker, Pastor of Magdalen's, Bermondsey. 
Daniel Cawdrey, Minister of Martin's in the Fields. 
William Spurstow, Minister of Hackney. 
La. Seaman, Pastor of Allhallows, Bread-Street. 
Simeon Ashe, Minister of Michael's, Basingshaw. 
Thomas Case, Minister of Magdalen's, Milk-Street, 


Nicholas Proffet, Minister at Fosters. 
Thomas Thorowgood, Minister at Crayford. 
Edward Corbet, Minister of Croyden. 
Henry Roborough, Pastor of Leonard's, Eastcheap. 
Arthur Jackson, Pastor of Michael's, Wood-street. 
James Nalton, Pastor of Leonard's, Foster-lane. 
Thomas Cawton, Pastor of Bartholomew's, Exchange. 
Charles Offspring, Pastor of Antholin's. 
Samuel ^lark, Minister of Bennet's, Fink. 
Jo. Wall, Minister of Michael's, Cornhill. 
Fran. Roberts, Pastor of the Church at Austin's. 
Matthew Haviland, Pastor of Trinity. 
John Sheffield, Minister of Swithin's. 
William Harrison, Minister of Grace-church. 
William Jenkyn, Minister of Christ-church. 
John Viner, Pastor of Botolph's, Aldgate. 
Elidad Blackwell, Pastor of Andrew's, Undershaft. 
John Crosse, Minister at Matthew's, Friday-street. 
John Fuller, Minister at Botolph's, Bishopsgate. 
William Taylor, Pastor of Stephen's, Coleman-street. 
Peter Witham, Pastor of Alban's, Wood-street. 
Fran. Peck, Pastor of Nicholas's, Aeons. 
Christopher Love, Pastor of Anne's, Aldersgate. 
John Wallis, Minister of Martin's, Ironmonger-lane. 
Thomas Watson, Pastor of Stephen's, Wai brook. 
William Wickins, Pastor of Andrew's, Hubbard. 
Thomas Manton, Minister of Stoke Newington. 
Thomas Gouge, Pastor of Sepulchres. 
William Blackmore, Pastor of Peter's, Cornhill. 
Robert Mercer, Minister of Bride's. 
Ralph Robinson, Pastor of Mary's,, Woolnorth. 
John Glascock, Minister at Undershaft. 
Thomas Wheatley, Minister at Mary's Woolchurch. 
Jonathan Lloyd, Pastor of James's, Garlick-hithe. 
John Wells, Pastor of Olave's, Jewry. 
Benjamin Needier, Pastor of Margaret's, Moses. 
Nathaniel Staniforth, Minister of Mary's, Bothaw. 
Stephen Watkins, Minister of Mary's, Overies. 
Jacob Tice, Pastor of Botolph's, Billingsgate. 
John Stileman, Minister at. Rotherhithe. 
Josiah Bull, Pastor of North Cray. 
Jonathan Devereux, late Minister at Andrew's, Holboura, 
Paul Russell, Preacher at Hackney. 
Joshua Kirby, Minister of the Word. 
Arthur Barbara, Pastor at Hellen's. 




By Michael Oldsworth and his Lord, who swore he was Chancellor of 
Oxford. And proved it in a speech made to the new visitors, in 
their new convocation, April 11, 1648. As here it follows word for 
word, and oath for oath. 

Printed at Montgomery, 1648. Quarto, containing eight pages. 

Mr. Visitors, 

I AM glad to see this day, I hope it will never end; for I am your 
. chancellor. Some say I am not your chancellor, but dam mo, they 
lye, for my brother was so before me, and none but rascals would rob 
me of my birth-right. They think Marquis of Hertford is chancellor 
of Oxford, because, forsooth, the university chose him. S'death, I sit 
here by ordinance of parliament, and judge ye, gentlemen, whether he 
or I look like a chancellor. HI prove he is a party, for he himself is a 
scholar; he has Greek and Latin, but all the world knows I can scarce 
write or read ; dam me, this writing and reading hath caused all this 

Some say, I love not the university, but, I say, they lye. I love her, 
I count her my mother, for I had four- sons there. You know what a 
coil I had e're I could get hither; Selden did so vex us with his law 
and his reasons, we could get nothing pass ; you saw I was fain to 
swear him down, and Mr. Rous, Gurdon, Mildmay, Wentworth, Pri- 
deaux, Scot, and other friends, voted bravely, else Selden had carried . 
it. S'death, that fellow is but burgess for Oxford, and I am chancel- 
lor, and yet he would have the parliament hear his law and reasons 
.against their own chancellor. I thank God, and I thank you. I thank 
God I am come at last, and I thank you for giving me a gilded bible; 
you could not give me a better book, dam me I think so ; 1 love the 
bible, though I seldom use it; I say I love it, and a man's affection is 
the best member about him; I can love it, though I cannot read it, as 
you Dr. Wilkinson love preaching, tho* you never preach. What? can- 
not a man be a doctor of divinity but he must preach ? I hope you'll 
confess 1 have gotten you good places; if I had not stuck to you, how 
could you have thrown out Bayly, Sheldon, Fell, Potter, Oliver, 
Hammond, Morley, and the rest? and then to what end had you been 
visitors, if you got not their places? You know Hammond is my own god- 
son, and they say he is a scholar; s'death, I love you, what care I for 
deep scholars? Mr. Cheynell, I thank you, you have been kind to me; 
you have broke your brains again for me, and I have given you another 


Tiead, for I made you head of St. John's, and for your sake have thrust 
out Bayly, his wife, and nine pretty children. Master Reynolds, I 
feared you would have left us, for you pretended to take no man's 
place from him, but, I thank God, you are of another mind, for you 
have both a man's place and a woman's place, you have all that be- 
longed to Fell, his wife, and all his children. Mr. Wilkinson, you 
love me, and I am glad of it, they say, you hate your enemies to the 
bottomless pit ; I have given you my own chaplain's prebend, and dam 
me, while he served me, he was an excellent scholar. Mr. Corbet, I love 
you too, I have made you orator of the university; it was my godson 
Hammond's place, I hope none will" blame me for displacing my own 
godson; you are now my godson, for you are orator. I hope you'll 
speak for me, I cannot speak for myself; you have a tongue now, 
though you want eyes; what cannot a man be a visitor, though without 
eyes? Mr. Langley, I love you also, I have made you doctor of divi- 
nity; malignantssay, it is impossible to make you a doctor, but, hang 
them, they lye, for you were created doctor, and nothing can create but 
God and a chancellor; nay, I have made you head of Pembroke col- 
lege, I cannot make you governor, for a rogue, they call him Poyer, is 
governor of Pembroke, and, dam me, I think the king will make Poyer 
to be Earl of Pembroke. Master Harris, you are an old man, I. have 
made you head of Trinity college, I love an old head; Dr. Kettle was 
an old head before, but he loved us not, I love an old head new made, 
Sir Nathaniel Brent, I know you love me, for you are judge of the 
prerogative court ; the parliament gave it you, you are a good man, 
and that's a good place; they say you have no civil law, what is that to 
the -purpose? you have an ordinance of parliament; a man may be a 
civilian by an ordinance of parliament, else why the devil have we sat 
seven years? my father said, that a parliament could do any thing but 
make a map a woman, and a woman a man." Mr. Rogers, you look as 
if you loved me, and I have made you a doctor; they call you Aaron, 
J hate them for it, for I hate Aaron, he was a priest, and I would have 
all priests and Jesuits hanged. Mr. Cornish, I love you, though your 
wife plays tricks with you ; they say she gads abroad, because you are 
a sickly weak man, but I have given you Dr. Wall's place, for the 
weakest goes to the wall; you must give me leave to clinch, for those 
that have* no wit must be content with clinches. Mr- Palmer, I have 
made you head of All-Souls, and have turned out Sheldon; I hope you 
love me, for you are a physician, and never any physician was head of 
All-Souls; they say their statutes do keep you out, hang their statutes, 
I'll keep you in; you are a member of the House of Common?, and a 
member of parliament may be head of any house. What? must the par- 
liament be tied to oaths and statutes? I have, for your sake, clapped 
bheldon in prison, was it not high time? dam me, he hath more brains 
than all we together, you saw to-day what tricks he put upon me : I 
could not speak to him but he made it nonsense, so as I was forced to 
cry him mercy four several times; but I have Sheldon'd him by the 
iieels, and he deserves it. S'death, is he not clerk of the closet ? f love 
no clerks of the closet, I am not one myself, dam me if I be. There is a 
young rogue, one Palmer, I hope, Mr. Palmer, he is not your pame- 


sake, this little knave looked at me as if he cared not two-pence for 
me; but I have Sheldon'd him too; and I'll justify it, for he is at least 
twelve years old, and the parliament hath imprisoned one at nine years 
old, I mean Inchiquin's son, a plague upon him, for now Inchiquin is 
turned Inchiking. Gentlemen, love one another, for there's twenty- 
thousand do hate you, they say you are all either dunces, knaves, or 
madmen ; s'death, they will say so of me, if they durst. But do you 
serve God, and love your chancellor, you have all the good places the 
university can yield: you desired us to make you visitors, and you 
have made yourselves heads of colleges; I love you all, dam me I do. 
I command you, register, to write it down that I love them all; your 
name is French, and my name may be French, for I cannot spell Eng- 
lish. God bless you all, and God bless me, and do as I do, for I fear 
God, and obey the parliament. I will live and die with you, and God 
confound me, if I leave the town these two days. 

Copia vera 

Michael Oldsworth. 



The parliament between the two lady-birds, Queen Fairfax and Lady 
Cromwell, concerning negociations of state, and their several inter- 
ests in the kingdom ; sadly bemoaning the fate of their deer and 
abhor n ed husbands. 

Who buys a cuckow's nest, hatch'd in an air 

That's not far distant from Westminster-fair? 

The hedge-sparrow, that fed her t'other day, 

Is, for her kindness, now become her prey; 

O 'tis a precious bird, wer't in a cage, 

Twould please both king and people; cure this age 

That surfeits with rebellion, and can have 

No help to keep her from destruction's grave. 

She cuckows treasons, strifes, causes great stir, 

But must pack hence 'twixt this and Midsummer: 

Though Goatham hedge her in with pikes and <run, i 

She shall not 'scape us, though she flies, or runs; 

For all the birds with one consent agree, 

To spring her for base disloyalty. 

By Mercurius Melancholicus. Printed in cuckow-time in a hollow-tree, 1648. 
Quarto, containing ten pages. 

TTTHO is it amongst us that hath not heard these cuckows at West- 

minster? an ayrie of such ominous owl-birds, that the like was 

never before seen in this kingdom; that have kept a great cackling, and 


been long and close sitters, but have hatche<Tnothing but cockatrice eggs, 
vile treasons, addle ordinances, and the like, to insnare and inslave a 
free-born people, making of them no better than hedge-sparrows, to 
nurse up, with their wealth, the bastard issue of their pernicious plots 
against King, church, and kingdom; the common people, that willingly 
fed them, and lent them not only hands, but lives and estates, being now, 
for their great kindness, justly become a prey to the ravenous and grip- 
ing claws of these cannibal cuckows, the parliament and army, that are 
now devouring them, after they have pulled and polled them to the 
bare skins ; are now feeding upon their flesh, and picking their very 
bones, killing, destroying, and robbing them; and, if this be not 
enough to provoke the people to curse these unnatural vipers, and to 
loath all future parliaments to the world's end, I have lost my senses ; 
none will fear them, none will love them, none will obey them, all will 
hate them, all will despise them, all fight against them. 

Let us now consider what manner of birds these be; and we shall find 
them not cuckows only, but other birds of prey, as vultures, harpies, 
puttocks, ostriches, owls, martins, daws, and such like ominous and 
unclean birds, that with their huge bodies, and baleful wings, have 
obscured our king, our peace, our happiness, and hid all joy and com- 
fort from us; these are all birds of a feather, that sit in council, and 
conspire together against the eagle, the phenix, the turky, the pea-hen, 
the turtle, the swan, the canary, and sweet-singing nightingale, ;who, 
being all too credulous to believe the feigned babblings of these state- 
decoys, are now covered and intangled in their nets, caught in their 
pit-falls, and all their goods and feathers pulled from them by lime- 
twig ordinances. 

These birds of prey flock together at Westminster ; and have, for 
almost eight years, roosted themselves there, even till they had defiled 
their very nests, and were forced to fly abroad till they were cleansed; 
and yet sit brooding and hatching their pernicious plots and treasons, 
cockatrice ordinances, bald buzzardly votes, contradicting orders, and 
changeling declarations, both against the laws of nature, reason, con- 
science, and religion ; and have usurped all power and authority from, 
and over their lawful and undoubted sovereign, doing their utmost to 
deprive both him and his posterity of their hereditary rights and succes- 
sions, denying to acknowledge him for their head, forbidding addresses 
to be made unto him, or messages to be received from him; by which 
they have changed and abandoned the national and fundamental laws of 
the land (the only ligaments and sinews of a kingdom) being an act, not 
only of the highest treason that can be, but a crime that divests them 
of all their privileges, unparliaments them, and makes them all guilty 
of the abhorred sin of perjury, in breaking protestations, oaths, and 
covenants, and liable to a just censure, and conviction of theft, treason, 
and rebellion; for which they can no otherwise satisfy the king, laws, 
or people, but by the tribute of their roundheads, too slight a recom- 
pence for such abhorred and traitorous crimes. 

Therefore the people may now see, without spectacles, how grossly 
they have been deceived, and juggled out of their Jives and estates. It 
is true, the parliament, at the first, convened by royal authority, was 


a lawful, and for aught I know, a conscientious parliament, and the 
whole body, (being aptly and compleatly united together in the mem- 
bers, without forceable dislocation, or false election) was, questionless, 
the highest judicature in this kingdom: but, since Kdgehill fight, this 
juncto (or pretended parliament, acting in open hostility, and righting 
against their king) abandoning their head, are no more a parliament, 
but the body of a parliament, without a head, a monster, a very cuc- 
kow's nest; a combined medley of traitors and rebels, and far different 
from the nature of a parliament (by reason uf thoir Luciterian pride, to 
be flung down to hell) and to be deserted by all loyal subjects, as dis- 
jointed, severed, and mangled in its members ; as deficient as their then 
general, uncapable of any just act, but wading on in blood (by an 
usurped, treasonous, tyrannical, and over-awing power, having no 
derivation from the king, but their own lusts) therefore no subject what- 
soever hath any warrant, .neither can they bind the conscience of any, 
to yield either active or passive obedience to any act or ordinance, be- 
cause they illegally act, contrary to all precedents of former parlia- 
ments, and parliamentary power, and are no longer the visible repre- 
sentatives of the body politick, and so must necessaiily be guilty of all 
the innocent bloodshed these six years in this kingdom, and still shed- 
ding in most counties in England. These rebels being so fleshed in blood 
and raping they are resolved to go thorough-stitch in their abhorred 
rebellion, though they ruin three kingdoms, by their inhuman butche- 
ries, being rewarded with a large sum for shedding blood in the city, 
encouraged and rewarded for murdering the Surry Petitioners, the 
Kentish, and Essex men, f<-r delivering, in a legal way, petitions for 
redress of their several grievances. What can any rational man think, 
but that they defer to murder their king, until such time as they have 
first murdered and destroyed all his loyal subjects ? 

That, when the army could not have an opportunity to plunder the 
city, as nothing so sure as they intended it, they were hired by Martin, 
Mild may, Vane, and the rest of that nest, to pick a quarrel with the 
country, that they might plunder and undo them, when then they had 
missed of their aim in the city, as now they do in Essex, Kent, and all 
the kingdom over, killing, plundering, and triumphing over all they are 
able to conquer; so that between both parties, royalists and roundheads, 
as between the good and bad thief, the poor country must be crucifi d. 

The chief fomentors that are regicides, and most active in our de- 
struction in the upper house, are the lords Say, Pembroke, Manches- 
ter, Kent, Warwick, Denbigh, Stamford, Wharton, and Grey; these 
always cuckow forth one tune, ' No King, No King/ In the lower house, 
are a nest of as evil birds, as ever hatched at Tyburn, and these are 
Lenthall, Mildmay, Scot, Challoner, Martin, Weaver, Vane, Corbet, 
and Cromwell, that cannot endure to hear the King so much as named 
in the House. In* the synod of time-serving presbyters, there are Mar- 
shall, Burgess, Strong, Sedgwick, Vines, Love, Whittaker, and Nye, 
that draw altogether in one yoke, against monarchy ; these teach rebel- 
lion instead of divinity, more lyes than truth, more blasphemy than 
sound doctrine, and will have no king to reign over them, except he be 
of the royal progeny of Mrs. Parliament, or the child of Reformation. 


In the army, there are another nest of birds, but not of the same fea- 
ther, and these be the elect forsooth, the precious babes that are hail- 
fellow with God Almighty, see strange visions, and are possessed with 
unerring spirits, that whatsoever they do, though never so impudent 
and wicked, is lawful ; and these are, Peters, Dell, Erbury, Knowles, 
Goodwin, Syinson, &c.- The first rank of these are oxen, and the 
latter ases, which the parliament yoke in their plough together, because 
they are forbidden it in the old law, and, by that means, avoid idola- 
try; but their drivers arc more charitable than, these beasts, for they 
but kill our bodies, and rob us of our goods, but these wolvish cattle 
slay our souls, take away our good names, judge us, and condemn us 
to "hell. These are the charitable saints, that have the mark of their bro- 
ther Cain in their foreheads; vagabonds that have no abiding-places, 
but are hurried with every wind from one uncertainty to another, and 
are constant in nothing but mischief. These are the running plague-sores 
that infect the whole nation, and canse swellings and risings in the body 
of the common-wealth. These are those that sow discord amongst bre- 
thren, and though, like Samson's foxes, they are tied tail to tail, yet 
they carry a fire-brand amongst them, that burns up both church and 
state in the merciless and consuming flames of an unnatural and bloody 
war. These are the disturbers of our Israel, and hinderers of our peace; 
old foxes, and wild boars, that root up our vineyards, feeding them- 
selves fat on the ruin of others. These, instead of expelling out papacy, 
but one faction, have brought in five hundred damnable sects, and set 
them all to devour episcopacy, to bring in blessed liberty to pull down 
monarchy, and set up aristocracy; by which means they have advanced 
their hypocritical, diabolical, and pernicious treasons to this very day. 
Are not these cuckows worthy of a cage? surely they be. But I shall 
leave this nest of foul birds to the people's ordering, having told them 
where it is, only desiring all loyal people to secure their money from 
them, to provide arms for their own defence, and rather chuse to die 
like men, than live like slaves. But I will, instead of an epilogue, 
give you a dialogue to cure your melancholy. 

Then hie Toss, black Tom is dead, 
Come aloft Jack-a-dandy, 

Sir Samuel Luke shall be general, 
And that's as good as can be. 


Enter Queen Fairfax and Madam Cromwell. 

M. Cromwell. CHEAR up, madam, he is not dead, he is rcseryed 
for another end; these wicked malignants reported as much of my Noll, 
but I hope it is otherwise; yet the profane writ an epitaph, as I think 
they call it, and abused him most abominably, as they will do me, or 
you, or any of the faithful saints, if we but thrive by our occupations 
in our husband's absence; if we but deck our bodies with the jewels 
gained from the wicked, they point at us, and say, those are plunder. 
But the righteous must undergo the scoffs of the wicked; but let them 


scoff on, I thank my Maker, we lived before these holy wars were 
thought on, in the thriving profession of brewing, and could, of my 
vails of grain and yest, wear my silk gown, and gold and silver lace too, 
as well as the proudest minx of them all. I am not ashamed of my pro- 
fession, madam. 

Qu. Fair. Pray, Mrs. Cromwell, tell not me of gowns or lace, nor 
no such toys ! tell me of crowns, scepters, kingdoms, royal robes ; and, 
if my Tom but recovers, and thrives in his enterprise, I will not say, 
pish, to be queen of England. I misdoubt nothing, if we can but keep 
the wicked from fetching Nebuchadnezzar home from grass in the Isle 
of Wight; well, well, my Tom is worth a thousand of him, and has a 
more kingly countenance ; he has such an innocent face, and a harm- 
less look, as it he were born to be emperor over the saints. 

Mrs. Crom. And is not Noll Cromwell's wife as likely a woman to 
be Queen of England, as you? yes, I warrant you, is she; and that 
you shall know, if my husband were but once come out of Wales. It 
is he that has done the work, the conquest belongs to him ; besides, 
your husband is counted a fool, and wants \vit to reign ; every boy 
scoffs at him : my Noll has a head-piece, a face of brass, full of ma- 
jesty, and a nose will light the whole kingdom to walk after him ; I Say 
he will grace a crown, being naturally adorned with diamonds and 
rubies already; and, for myself, though I say it, I have a person as fit 
.for a Queen as another. 

QM. Fair. Thou a Queen? Thou a Queen? uds'foot, minion, hold 
your clack from prating treason against me, or I will make Mrs. Par- 
liament lay her ten commandments upon thee ! Thou a Queen ! a 
brewer's wife a Queen ? That kingdom must needs be full of drunkards, 
when the king is a brewer ! My Tom is nobly descended, and no base 

Mrs. Crom. Mechanick ? Mechanick in thy face ; thou art a whore to 
call me mechanick ; I am no more a mechanick than thyself; marry 
come up, Mother Damnable, Joan Ugly ; must you be Queen t Yes, 
you shall ; Queen of Puddle-dock, or Billingsgate, that is fittest for 
thee : my Noll has won the kingdom, and he shall wear it, in despight 
of such a trollop as thou art : marry, come up here, Mrs. Wagtail ? 

Enter a Servant, running. 

Sere. O, madam, cease your contention, and provide for your safe- 
ties ; both your husbands are killed, and all their forces put to the 
sword; all the people crying like mad, long live King Charles! 
Own. We hope 'tis false ; O whither shall we fly, 
Lest vengeance overtake our treachery ? 





For the advancement of some particular parts of learning. 
London, printed anno dom. 1648. Quarto, containing thirty-four pages. 

THERE is invented an instrument of small bulk and price, easily made, 
and very durable, whereby any man, even at the first sight and hand- 
ling, may write two resembling copies of the same thing at once, as 
serviceably and as fast, allowing two lines upon each page for setting 
the instruments, as by the ordinary way : Of what nature, or in what 
character, or what matter soever, as paper, parchment, a book, &c. 
the said writing ought to be made upon. 

The use hereof will be very great to lawyers and scriveners, for 
making of indentures and all kinds of counter-parts ; to merchants, 
intelligencers, registers, secretaries, clerks, &c. for copying of letters, 
accompts, invoices, entering of warrants, and other records ; to scho- 
lars for transcribing of rare manuscripts, and preserving originals from 
falsification, and other injuries of time. It lesseneth the labour of 
examination, serveth to discover forgeries and surreptitious copies, 
and to the transacting of all businesses of writing, as with ease and 
speed, so with much privacy also. 

N To his honoured friend, Master Samuel Hartlib. 


I HAVE had maay flying thoughts concerning the advancement of real 
learning in general, but particularly of the education of youth, mathe- 
maticks, mechanicks, physick, and concerning the history of art and 
nature, with some more serious ones concerning your own most excel- 
lent ad vices for an office of publick address. And, indeed, they were but 
flying thoughts, for, seeing what vast sums were requisite to carry on 
those designs, and how unwilling or unable men generally were to 
contribute towards them, I thought it but labour lost to fix my mind 
much upon them. 

But it having pleased God unexpectedly to make me the inventor 
of the art of double writing, daily and hourly useful to all sorts of 
persons in all places of the world, and that to perpetuity, I conceived 
that if there were understanding enough in men to be sensible of their 
own good, and thankfulness or honesty enough to reward the contri- 
vers of it, such means might be raised out of this art as might at least 
set the aforementioned designs on float, and make them ready to set 
sail towards the haven of perfection upon every opportunity of 

* Afterwards Sir William Pettj. 


stronger gales. And thereupon I re-assomed my meditations, which 
I here give you, desiring you and your ingenious friends to remedi- 
tate upon them and correct them, but withal to think of the best 
course how to improve my invention to such advantage, as may, if 
possible, make us capable of enjoying more than bare ideas of that 
happiness, which the atchievement of our designs pfomiseth. I shall 
desire you to shew them unto no more than needs you must, since 
they can please only those few that are real friends to the design of 
realities, not those who are tickled only with rhetorical prefaces, 
transitions, and epilogues, and charmed with fine allusions and meta- 
phors (all which I do not condemn) wherewith, as 1 had no abilities 
to adorn my discourse, so I wanted all other requisites thereunto, 
having written it (as yourself must bear me witness) at your own im- 
portunity in the midst of my cares and endeavours to perfect my in- 
vention; and, which is worse, in the midst of my hard and perhaps 
unprofitable labour, to prevent the ingratitude and backwardness of 
men to reward him, who shall earnestly labour to express himself 
\ Yours, and your designs 

Most affectionate servant, 

W. P. 
London, Jan. 8, 1617-8 

r*O give an exact definition, or nice division of learning, or of the 
-- advancement thereof, we shall not undertake (it being already so 
accurately done by the great Lord Verulam) intending only to shew 
where our own shoe pincheth us, or to point at some pieces of know- 
ledge, the improvement whereof (as we at least conceive) would make 
much to the general good and comfort of all mankind; and, withal, to 
deliver our own opinion, by what means they may be raised some on* 
degree nearer to perfection. 

But, before we can meddle with this great work, we must first think 
of getting labourers, by appointing some general rendezvous, where all 
men, either able, or willing to take up arms against the many difficul- 
ties thereof, may find entertainment ; that is to say, we must recom- 
mend the institution of an office of common address, according to the 
projection of Mr. Hartlib, that painful and great instrument of this de- 
sign ; whereby the wants and desires of all may be made known unto 
all ; where men may know what is already done in the business of 
learning, what is at present in doing, and what is intended to be done ; 
to the end that, by such a general communication of designs, and mu- 
tual assistance, the wits and endeavours of the world may no longer be 
as so many scattered coals, or firebrands, which for want of union are 
soon quenched, whereas, being but laid together, they would have yield- 
ed a comfortable light and heat. For, methinks, the present condition 
of men is like a field, where a battle hath been lately fought, where we 
may see many legs, and arms, and eyes lying he're and there, which, for 
vant of an union, and a soul to quicken and enliven them, are good 
for nothing, but to. feed ravens, and infect the air : So we see many 


wits and ingenuities lying scattered up and down the world; whereof 
some are now labouring to do what is already done, and puzzling them- 
selves to re-invent what is already invented; others we see quite stuck 
fast in difficulties, for want of a few directions, which some other man, 
might he be met withal, both could and would most easily give them. 
Again, one man wants a small sum of money, to carry on some design 
that requires it ; and there is, perhaps, another, who hath twice as much 
ready to bestow on the same design; but these two having no means 
ever to hear one of the other, the good work, intended and desired by 
both parties, doth utterly perish and come tt nothing. But this we pass 
over slightly, though very fundamental to our business, because the mas. 
ter builder thereof himself hath done it so solidly. Having by this 
means procured workmen, and what else is necessary to the work, that, 
which we would have them to labour in, is, How to find out such arts as 
are yet undiscovered ; How to learn what is already known by more 
compendious and facile ways, and to apply it to more, and those more 
noble uses: How to work in men an higher esteem of learning, so as to 
give occasion, encouragement, and opportunity lo more men to apply 
themselves to its advancement. 

The next thing then to be done will be, first, to see what is well and 
sufficiently done already, exploding whatsoever is nice, contentious, and 
merely fantastical ; all which must in some measure be suppressed, and 
brought into disgrace and contempt with all men. 

2. This survey may be made by perusing all books, and taking notice 
of all mechanical inventions. 

3. In this perusal, all the real or experimental learning may be sifted 
and collected out of the said books. 

4. There must be appointed able readers of all such books, with cer- 
tain and well-limited directions what to collect out of them. 

5. Every book must be so read by two several persons a-part, to pre- 
vent mistakes and failings from the said directions. 

6. The directions for reading must be such, that the readers, observing 
them, may exactly agree in their collections. 

7- Out of all these books, one book, or great work, may be made, 
though consisting of many volumes. 

8. The most artificial indices, tables, or other helps for the ready 
finding, remembering, and well understanding all things contained in 
these books, must be contrived and put in practice. , 

Having thus taken the height, or pitch, whereunto all arts and sci- 
ences whatsoever are already come, and observed where they now stick, 
the ablest men in every 'respective faculty must be set a-part to drive 
them on further, with sufficient maintenance and encouragement for the 
same. Whereunto it is requisite that two or three, one under another, 
be employed about each faculty, to the end that, some of them dying, 
or any otherwise failing, there may never want men acquainted with the 
whole design, and able to carry it on, with the help of others to be ad- 
mitted under them; and that, at least, yearly accounts be taken of 
those men's endeavours, and rewards be proportioned to them accor- 


And now we shall think of whetting our tools, and preparing sharp 
instruments for this hard work, by delivering our thoughts concerning 
education; which are: 

1. That there be instituted ergastula literaria, literary work-houses, 
where children may be taught as well to do something towards their 
living, as to read and write. 

That the business of education be not, as now committed to the 
worst and unworthiest of men, but that it be seriously studied and prac- 
tised by the best and ablest persons. 

That all children of above seven years old may be presented to this 
kind of education, none being to be excluded by reason of the poverty 
and inability of their parents ; for hereby it hath come to pass, that 
many are now holding the plough, which might have been made fit to 
_steer the state. Wherefore let such poor children be employed on 
works whereby they may earn their living, equal to their strength and 
understanding, and such as they may perform, as well as elder and abler 
persons, viz. attending engines, &c. and, if they cannot get their whole 
living, and their parents can contribute nothing at all to make it up, let 
them stay somewhat the longer in the work-house. 

That, since few children have need of reading, before they know, or 
can be acquainted with the things they read of; or of writing, before 
their thoughts are worth the recording, or they are able to put them in- 
to any form (which we call inditing) much less of learning languages, 
when there are books enough for their present use in their own mother- 
tongue, our opinion is, that those things, being withal somewhat above 
their capacity (as being to be attained by judgment, which is weakest in 
children) be deferred a while, and others more needful for them (such 
as are in the order of nature before those afore-mentioned, and are at- 
tainable by the help of memory, which is either most strong, or unpre- 
occupied in children) be studied before them. We wish, therefore, that 
the educands be taught to observe and remember all sensible objects and 
actions, whether they be natural, or artificial, which the educators must, 
upon all occasions, expound unto them. 

That they use such exercises, whether in work, or for recreation, as 
tend to the health, agility, and strength of their bodies. 

That they be taught to read by much more compendious means than 
are in common use ; which is a thing certainly very easy and feasible. 

That they be not only taught to write according to our common way, 
but also to write swiftly and in real characters ; as likewise the dexterous 
use of the instruments for writing many copies of the same thing at 

That the artificial memory be thought upon; and, if the precepts 
thereof be not too far above children's capacities, we conceive it not 
improper for them to learn that also. 

That in no case the art of drawing and designing be omitted, to what 
course of life soever those children are to be applied, since the use there- 
of, for expressing the conceptions of the mind, seems, at least to us, to 
be little inferior to that of writing, and, in many cases, performeth what 
by words is impossible. 

That the elements of arithmetick and geometry be by all studied,be- 
ing uot only of great and frequent use in all human affair, but also 


sure guides and helps to reason, and especial remedies for a volatile and 
unsteady mind. 

That effectual courses be taken to try the abilities of the bodies and 
minds of children, the strength of their memory, inclination of their af- 
fections either to vice or virtue, and to which of them in particular ; 
and, withal, to alter what i? bad in them, and increase and improve what 
is good, applying all, whether good or bad, to the least inconveniency, 
and most advantage. 

That such as shall have need to learn foreign languages (the use 
whereof would be much lessened, were the real and common characters 
brought into practice) may be taught by incomparably more easy ways, 
than are now usual. 

That no ignoble, unnecessary, or condemned part of learning be 
taught in those houses of education; so that, if any man shall vainly 
fall upon them, he himself only may be blamed. 

That such as have any natural ability and fitness to musick, be en- 
couraged and instructed therein. 

That all children, though of the highest rank, be taught some genteel 
manufacture in their minority ; such as are, 

Turning of curious figures. 

Making mathematical instruments, dials, and how to use them in 
astronomical observations. 

Making watches and other trochilick motions. 

Limning and painting on glass, or in oil-colours. 

Engraving, etching, carving, embossing, and moulding in sundry 

The lapidary's art of knowing, cutting, and setting jewels. 

Grinding of glasses dioptrical and catoptrical. 

Botanicks and gardening. 

Making musical instruments. 

Navarchy, and making models for buildings, and rigging for ships. 

Architecture, and making models forhouses. 

The confectioner's, perfumer's, or dyer's arts. 

Chymistry, refining metals, and counterfeiting jewels. 

Anatomy, making skeletons, and excarnating bowels. 

Maltkjg mariners' compasses, globes, and other magnetick devices. 

And all for these reasons : 

1. They shall be less subject to be cozened by artificers. 

2. They will become more industrious in general. 

3. They will certainly bring to pass most excellent works, being, as 
gentlemen, ambitious to excel ordinary workmen. 

4. They, being able to make experiments themselves, may do it with 
less charge, and more care, than others will do it for. them. 

5. The respublica artium will be much advanced, when such, as are 
rich and able, are also willing to make luciferous experiments. 

6. It may engage them to be Mecaenatcs and patrons of arts. 

7- It will keep them from worse occasions of spending their time and 

8. 'As it will be a great ornament in prosperity, so it will be a great 
refuge and stay in adversity and common calamity. 

VOL. vi. K 

V v 4 A 
146 THE ADVICE OF Vf'. P. 

As for what remains of education, we cannot but hope, that those' 
whom we have desired should make it their trade, will supply it, and 
render the idea thereof much more perfect. 

We have already recommended the study of the elements of arithme- 
tick and geometry to all men in general ; but they being the best ground- 
ed parts of speculative knowledge, and of so vast use in all practical arts, 
we cannot but commend deeper enquiries into them. And although 
the way of advancing them, in particular, may be drawn from what we 
have already delivered, concerning the advancement of learning in gene- 
ral ; yet, for the more explicit understanding of our meaning herein, 
we refer to Mr. Pell's most excellent idea thereof, written to Master 

In the next place, for the advancement of all mechanical arts and 
manufactures, we wish that there were erected a gymnasium mechanician, 
or a college of tradesmen (or, for more expedition, until such a place 
could be built, that the most convenient houses, for such a purpose, may 
be either bought or hired) wherein we w6uld that one, at least, of every 
trade (but the prime most ingenious workman, the most desirous to im- 
prove his art) might be allowed therein a handsome dwelling rent-free, 
which, with the credit of being admitted into this society, and the quick 
sale, which certainly they would have of their commodities, when all 
men would repair thither, as to a market of rare and exquisite pieces of 
workmanship, would be a sufficient motive to attract the very ablest of 
mechanicks, and such as we have described, to desire a fellowship in this 

From this institution we may clearly hope, when the excellent in all 
arts are not only neighbours, but intimate friends and brethren, united 
in a common desire and zeal to promote them, that all trades will mira- 
culously prosper, and new inventions would be more frequent, than new 
fashions of cloatbs and housh old-stuff. Here would be the best and 
most effectual opportunities and means, for writing a history of trades, 
in perfection and exactness; and what experiments and stuff would all 
those shops and operations afford to active and philosophical heads, out 
of which, to extract that interpretation of nature, whereof there is so 
little, and that so bad, as yet extant in the world ? 

Within the walls of this gymnasium, or college, should be a nosoco- 
mium academicum, according to the most exact and perfc-ct idea thereof; 
a complete theatrum botanicum, stalls and cages for all strange beasts and 
birds, with ponds and conservatories for all exotick fishes ; here all ani- 
mals, capable thereof, should be made fit for some kind of labour and em- 
ployment, that they may as well be of use living as dead. Here should 
be a repository of all kinds of rarities, natural and artificial pieces of an- 
tiquity, models of all great and noble engines, with designsand platforms 
of gardens and buildings. The most artificial fountains and water- 
works, a library of select books, an astronomical observatory for celes- 
tial bodies and meteors, large pieces of ground for several experiments 
of agriculture, galleries of the rarest paintings and statues, with the fair- 
cst'gobes, and geographical maps of the best descriptions, and, so far as is 
possible, we would have this place to be the epitome or abstract of the 
whole world : So that a man, conversant within those walls, would cer- 
tainly prove a greater scholars than the walking libraries so called, al- 


though he could neither write nor read. But if a child, before he 
learned to write or read, were made acquainted with all things, and ac- 
tions, as he might be in this college, how easily would he understand all 
good books afterwards, and smell out the fopperies of bad om s ? As 
for the situation, model, policy, and oeconomy, with the number of offi- 
cers, and retainers to this college, and the privileges thereof, it is as yet 
time enough to delineate. Only we wish, that a society of men might 
be instituted as 7 careful to advance arts, as the Jesuits are to propagate 
their religion, for the government and managing of it. 

But what relish will there be in all those dainties whereof we have 
spoken, if we want a palate to taste them, which certainly is heal th, the 
most desirable of all earthly blessings; and how can we, in any reason, 
expect health, when there are so many great difficulties in the curing 
of diseases, and no proportionable course taken to remove them? We 
shall therefore pursue the means of acquiring the publick good, and 
comfort of mankind a little further, and vent our conceits concerning 
a nosoconrium academicum, or"an hospital to cure the infirmities both of 
physician and patient. 

We intended lo have given the most perfect idea of this nosotomium 
academicum, and consequently to have treated of the situation and 
fabrick of the house, garden, library, chymical laboratory, anatomical 
theatre, apotheca, with all the instruments and furniture belonging to 
each of them, as also of the whole policy and oeconomy thereof. But 
since such a work could not be brought to pass without much charge 
(the very naming whereof doth deter men even from the most noble and 
necessary attempts) we are contented to portrait only such a.nosocomiiim, 
as may be made out of one of our old hospitals, without any new dona- 
tions or creeping to benefactors, only with a little pains taken by the 
reforming hand of authority. For we do not doubt, but that we have 
so contrived the business, that there is no hospital, in its corrupt state, 
'can be more thriftily managed than ours. For the number of our minis- 
ters are no greater than usual, and absolutely necessary; their pensions 
no larger than are allowed to those, who do not make the service of the 
hospital the sixth part of their employment and means of subsistence ; 
and yet we give encouragement enough to able men to undertake it, 
without meddling with any other business, which we strictly forbid. 
For, as the salaries are but small, so the charge of the ministers are not 
great, they being all to be unmarried persons, their accommodation 
handsome, their employment, being a work of publick and honest cha- 
rity, honourable, and to philosophical men, who only are to have a 
hand in this business, most pleasant and delightful. Besides, when 
their respective times are expired, their profit and esteem in the world 
cannot but be very great; for their way of breeding will both procure 
them practice amongst such as are able to reward them, and give them 
a dexterity and ability, to manage and go through a great deal thereof. 

Moreover, the smallness of the salary, the long servitude amongst 
poor wretches, and restraint from marriages, the great pains and natu- 
ral parts required to perform duties, will, I hope, prevent all intrusions 
of those, whose genius doth not incline them to take pleasure in this 
way of life. 

K -2 


Wherefore, being not at leisure to frame Utopias, we shall only speak 
of the number and salary of ministers, the time of their service, with 
their qualifications in general, and duties in particular, which are to be 
employed in this nosocomium academicum. 

The nosocomium, being fitted with all manner of necessaries, shall be 
overseen by three or four curators, men of learning, honour, and 
worth, such as shall, out of charity, and goodwill to the publick, per- 
form this trust, who are to be protectors and chancellors thereof, as also 
auditors of the steward's accounts. 

Besides these, there shall be a mathematician for steward, a physi- 
cian, surgeon, and apothecary, each well versed, both in the theory 
and practice, of their respective professions. A young physician, ca- 
pable at least of the degree of doctor, who may be called the vice- 
physician, and another of about five or six years standing in the univer- 
sity, who may be called the student. There should be also a surgeon 
and an apothecary, who have served their apprenticeships in the said 
faculties, called the surgeon's and apothecary's mate, with two other 
young men, the one to serve the surgeon, and the other the apothecary, 
all understanding, at least, the Latin tongue, which may be called the 
apprentices. All these are to be chosen, at first, by the curators, but 
afterwards by the society itself, being such as they shall be certified are 
pious, ingenious, laborious, lovers of knowledge, and particularly of 
the faculty of physick, courteous, not covetous; and lastly, such 
amongst whom there may be an harmony of natures and studies, so as 
all fear of discords, envy, and emulation may be taken away. There 
ought also to be entertained as many honest, careful, ancient widows, 
to serve as nurses to the sick, as will be proportionable to their number, 
some whereof are to be ordinary, and some extraordinary, whereof the 
latter may be taken in, and dismissed again, as occasion of their help 

There should be allowed out of the revenues of the hospital to the 
aforenamed ministers, besides their diets, house-room, washing, firing, 
&c. and exemption from all taxes and employments in the common- 
wealth, the several sums following, viz. 

To the steward 

To the physician 

To the vice-physician 

To the surgeon & apothec. each 60 \ f ner 

To the student 

To the surgeon & apothec. mate 

To each of the apprentices 

To each ordinary nurse 

To an extraordinary by the week 3 shillings. 

It should be granted by the state, that whosoever hath served his 
respective time in the nosocomium, and hath a certificate thereof from 
the society, shall be thereby licensed to practise his profession in any 
place or corporation whatsoever, notwithstanding any former law to the 


The steward shall not be obliged to stay any longer, than from year 
to year. Each of the faculty of physick may "serve five years in each 
degree thereof, each of the surgeons and apothecaries but four. 

These circumstances being premised, we now come to the very essence 
of the whole business; that is, to the description of each of the afore- 
said ministers, their particular duty and function, wh,ich are as follow, 
viz. ' 

The steward shall be a man of approved honesty, able to give order 
for all reparations about the house, garden, &c. to agree and bargain 
with workmen, and all that shall serve in any commodities into the 
house; he is to receive and pay all monies, and submit the accounts 
thereof to the whole society, and they again to the curators. For 
which, and other like duties, he ought to be skilled in matbematicks; 
chiefly in arithmetick and keeping accounts; measuring of land, tim- 
ber, board, architecture, frugal contrivances, and the like. But, as 
to the advancement of physick, we desire he may be skilled in the best 
rules of judicial astrology, which he may apply to calculate the events 
of diseases, and prognosticate of the weather; to the end thac, by his 
judicious and careful experiments, the wheat may be separated from 
the chaff in that faculty likewise ; -and what is good therein may be 
applied to good uses, and the rest exploded. He shall keep a journal 
of all notable changes of wea'ther, and fertility of seasons, taking notice 
what fruits, &c. have abounded, and what have failed; which have been 
good, and which bad, with the reasons thereof, whether the same were 
caused by mildews, blasts, unseasonable weather, caterpillars, or other 
vermin; he shall take 'notice of the several diseases, as staggers, mur- 
rainj rot, &c. which, in each year, have infested each species of ani- 
mals, and what insects have most abounded; all which particulars, 
with the epidemical diseases befalling man, he may compare with the 
aspects of the celestial bodies, and so examine the precepts delivered 
unto us by the professors of that art. 

The physician must be a philosopher, skilled at large in the pheno- 
mena of nature; must understand the Greek tongue, be well read in 
good authors, and seen in the practice of all the ministrant parts of 
physick, willing to instruct and forward all that are under him : his 
work shall be twice every day deliberately to visit and examine all the 
sick, and, after due consideration of their condition, to prescribe them 
convenient medicines ; and shall dictate, in Latin, to the vice-physician 
attending him, the history of their several diseases, excluding imperti- 
nencies ; he shall see all patients in outward griefs (to whom he admi- 
nistreth any inward remedies) opened and dressed every now-and-then, 
to the end that himself and the surgeon may both have the same inten- 
tion and scope in their practice. He must take care that the surgeon 
and student keep the history of their cures likewise, and that the apo- 
thecary and student do the same in their pharmacy and botanicks. He 
shall oversee the dispensation of all compound, and preparation of all 
chymical medicaments, giving the apothecary directions for the making 
of new enquiries and experiments in his way ; and likewise to the sur- 
geon and the rest, in theirs, when he seeth them not otherwise employed. 
In brief, he shall have an iuflucnce upon all the rest, and all the rest 



reciprocally upon him, so that he bring made acquainted with all the 
histories taken in the hospital, laboratory, anatomical chamber, garden, 
&c. may give the reason of the most notable phenomena happening in 
either of them. All which he shall commit to writing, and, out of 
them, by the end of the term of his service, shall collect a system of 
physick, and the most approved medicinal aphorisms; taking notice by 
the way, where those of Hippocrates are deficient or true, and by how 
many several experiments he hath so found them. He shall either dis- 
sect, or overlook the dissection of bodies d^ing of diseases; and, lastly, 
shall take care that alHuciferous experiments whatsoever may be care- 
fully brought to him, and recorded for the benefit of posterity. 

The vice-physician's proper charge is to see the history of the patient 
most exactly and constantly kept. He may now-and-thcn read some 
good author, but in all other things shall endeavour to assist, and be 
subordinate to the physician in all parts of his duty, still acting by his 
directions; but shall not prescribe any physick without the consent of 
the chief, nor in his absence, upon emergent occasions, without the 
advice of the master-surgeon. He should be always walking up and 
down from bed to bed, feeling the pulses, and looking on the urine and 
other excrements of the sick; that no considerable punctilio, in any 
circumstance whatsoever, escape his observation. For the compleating 
of the history, he shall apply himself to the making of luciferous expe- 
riments, and to take notice of such as shall be made by others. 

The student shall assist the surgeon and apothecary in making the 
history of their practices, to the end he may have always occasions to 
instruct himself in these ministrant parts of physick; to read such 
authors as the chief physician shall appoint him, and compare all his 
reading with the things themselves, whereof he readeth, as herbs, drugs, 
compound medicaments, anatomy, chirurgical instruments, bandages, 
operations, &c. all which we call the real elements of the art. He 
shall, by leave from the physician, in cases of need, put his hand to 
help the surgeon or apothecary, and sometimes watch by night with the 
nurses, that the perfection of the history may by no means be hazarded 
on their ignorance or carelessness. He may serve the physician as an 
amanuensis, especially in such things, the transcribing whereof may 
tend much to the advancement of his own knowledge. 

Of the surgeons. 

The master-surgeon shall dress every patient belonging to his care the 
first time himself, in the presence of him to whom he shall commit the 
said cure afterwards, and, as it were, read him a lecture thereupon. 
When the other surgeons under him are dressing, he shall, accompanied 
with the student, go from patient to patient, to give them directions 
jirurenatd, in their proceedings on the cure, and dictate to the student 
the most pertinent passages happening from time to time, that he may 
keep a true and uninterrupted history of them. He shall make experi- 
ments, by dissecting sundry sorts of animals ; shall teach his mates 
anatomy, expound good authors to them; shew them the manner of 
making bandages, and making all manner of operations, such as are 
the laryngotoraia, cutting for the stone, hernia, dropsy, and applying 


the trepan, both upon living brutes and dead carcases of men, to the 
end that, by practising upon these, the best places for making incision 
may be known, and all the dangerous parts in the way taken notice of; 
and upon the others, how to avoid the inconveniences of haemorrhages, 
strugglings, and the like. 

The mate shall dress all the more difficult griefs, apply cauteries, 
make fontanels, practise anatomy, and manual operations ; make ske- 
letons of the sundry rare animals which he shall have the opportunity 
to cut up ; excarnate bowels, artificially dry the muscles, tan the ven- 
tricle, guts, &c. and do what else tendeth to the perfection of anatomy ; 
he shall also, at leisure times, transcribe the history of their practice 
first and originally taken by the student. 

The apprentice shall serve the master in spreading plaisters, letting 
blood in the arm, threading pease for issues, wetting instruments, 
scraping lint, and sowing together bandages, which he shall also learn 
to apply ; he shall see dissections, read good surgery, and see the prac- 
tice of operations made by his superiors. He shall also see the apothe- 
caries make all such plaisters, unguents, balsams, &c. (learning to 
choose and know all the gums and other ingredients going into them) 
as are used in their practice. 

Of the apothecary. 

The master-apothecary, being a most exquisite botanist, shall take 
care of the-garden, that store of all useful plants be kept therein, and 
also that such as are for beauty or rarity be not wanting. He shall give 
order for all experiments of grafting, transplanting, meliorating the 
tastes, smells, &c. of plants, accelerating of germination and matura- 
tion in them, conservation of exoticks so, as in time to make them do- 
mesticks, to try the effect of all artificial composts. He shall see that 
all herbs, roots, &c. be gathered in their due seasons, and that all the 
most proper courses be used for conserving them. He shall write of the 
sensible and evident qualities of all drugs, as of their smell, taste, pon- 
derosity, rarity, friability, transparency, colour, hardness, &c. omit- 
ting such as are not discernible by sense, or deprensible by certain 
experiments, and declaring the several operations, chymical or pharma- 
ceutical, by which these drugs are usually, or may be best prepared. 
He shall set down all the experiments solitary or in consort, that he 
meeteth with, in the mixing or preparing any of them ; as that cam- 
phire will of itself evaporate ; turpentine washed in water becometh 
white ; euphorbium in the beating will cause excessive sneesing ; that 
the seeds of cucumis asininus will of themselves leap out with great im- 
petuosity one after another; that spirit of vitriol, mixed with syrup of 
violets, turneth into a fair crimson colour, and others of the like nature. 
He shall with the student keep an exact history of all rare and unusual 
accidents, happening in his operations; he shall take care that all 
medicaments be made according to art, or the physician's particular 
directions: he shall ever now and then visit the apotheca, to cast out 
thereof all decayed drugs and compositions; shall read pharmaceutical 
and chymical institutions to his inferiors, and teach the plants to any 
of the society that shall desire to learn them. 

K 4 


The apothecary's mate shall transcribe the prescriptions taken by the 
vice-physician, and see them carefully made up ; shall attend the hos- 
pital, in administring to each patient his physick according to direc- 
tions, applying epithemes, cucupha's, embrocha's, fomentations, fric- 
tions, unctions, giving glysters, applying leeches, &c. He shall tran- 
scribe the history compiled by the master-apothecary, and the student, 
and at leisure times, when he cannot study things, he may read good 
authors in his own art, without meddling either with physick or 

The apprentice shall read some good pharmaceutical botanick 
and chymical institutions, shall be much conversant in the garden to 
see the curing of tender and exotick plants, where he shall observe the 
working of nature in their growing, flowering, &c. He shall see the 
herbs, roots, and seeds, gathered according to directions; he shall 
work in beating and picking drugs, and on all other operations belong- 
ing to the preparation of medicaments. 

, The nurses shall be always at hand in the hospital to help the sick, 
that, by reason of their absence, they may not be put to strain and 
offend themselves by often and loud crying and calling. They shall 
dress their diet, and give them in quality, quantity, time, and order, 
according to the physician's directions; they shall see their linnen con- 
veniently changed, so as to prevent all annoyance to the sick. They 
shall in watching endeavour to observe all remarkable accidents hap- 
pening in the night, as whether they raved or talked much in their sleep, 
snored, coughed, &c. All which they shall punctually report to the 
physician, shewing him the urines and other excrements, telling him 
the time and manner wherein they were voided, and in brief, they being 
the lowest members of the house, they shall be in all things obedient 
to their superiors. 

It is hard so to assign to every minister his particular duty, as that the 
business, (which is the recovery of the patients, and the improvement 
of every man's knowledge in his proper way) cannot be done better than 
by this distribution: and it would be of ill consequence, if hereupon 
the apprentice, having done his own work, should refuse to help his 
fellow, being perchance at some time over-burthened ; wherefore it is 
to be understood that this contrivance shall be no warrant to any man, 
not to help his fellow, in case of exigence, but chiefly to shew what we 
desire should be done amongst them all. For we hope that their com- 
mon friendship and desire of helping the sick, and enabling themselves, 
will tie them enough to perform all these things in the most advantageous 
manner to these ends, i 

Having now after a fashion gone through the description of such 
societies and institutions, as we have thought most fit for the advance- 
ment of real learning, and among the rest, of the Ergastulum Literarium 
for the education of children, we now come to speak of such books, as, 
being well studied and expounded in those schools, would lay a very 
firm foundation of learning in the scholars. 

We recommend therefore in the first place (besides those books of 
collection, by, us formerly mentioned, and Master Pell's three mathe- 
matical treatises) the compiling of a work, whose title might justly be 


Vellits Aureum sive Facilitation Lucriferarum Descriptio magna, wherein 
all the practised ways of getting a subsistence, and whereby men raise 
their fortunes, may be at large declared. And, among these, we wish 
that the history of arts or manufactures might first be undertaken as the 
most pleasant and profitable of all the rest, wherein should be described 
the whole process of manual operations and applications of one natural 
thing, (which we call the elements of artificials) to another, with the 
necessary instruments and machines, whereby every piece of work is 
elaborated, and made to be what it is; unto which work bare words 
being not sufficient, all instruments and tools must be pictured, and 
colours added, when the descriptions cannot be made intelligible with- 
out them. 

This history must not be made out of a farrago of imperfect relations 
made to the compiler, either by too rude or cozening workmen, but 
all things thereunto appertaining must be by himself observed and at- 
tested by the most judicious and candid of each respective profession, 
as well to make the work the more authentick (it being to be the basis 
of many future inferences and philosophations) as the more clearly and 
distinctly to inform the compiler himself, by whose judgment as the 
alembick, and industry as the fire, it is hoped that the quintessence and 
magistcries of all present inventions may be extracted, and new ones 
produced in abundance. 

Although it be intended to teach the making of all artificials, yet it 
is not to be understood, that when there hath been taught how to make 
a stool, or a nail of one fashion, that the art of making a chair or a 
nail of another fashion should be long insisted on. But the compiler 
should strive to reduce the making of all artificials in. each trade to a 
certain number and classes of operations, tools, and materials ; neither 
need he to set the figures, or mention the names of all artificials that 
ever were made, but only of such as are most known, and of common 
use amongst men ; he needeth not to describe every punctilio in making 
all the afore-mentioned particulars, and yet leave no more defects, 
than may be supplied by every common understanding. For we ques- 
tion whether (if he should engage himself in such an endless labour) a 
man by the bare light and instruction of the book could attain to a 
dexterous practice of trade, whereunto hath been required seven years 
autopsia : but are confident that the help of this book will lessen the 
former t&dium by more than half. He should not so abridge the work 
as not to distinguish between instruments of the same name, as between 
a loom, to weave kersies, and another, wherein to xveave silk ribbans or 

He should all along give the mechanical reason of every instrument, 
material, and operation, when the same is sensible and clear. He 
should all along note his own defects in setting down these histories, in 
case he had not at the time of writing thereof sufficient information, 
and withal the deficiencies of the trades themselves. 

Now, whereas there be divers ways and methods of working most ma- 
nufactures, he should in each thing stick close to the way of some one 
master, but note all the diversities he knoweth, and give his opinion of 
the use and goodness of each. 


Moreover the oeconoray, sire ars migendcE rcifamiliaris, in all pro- 
fessions, ought to be enquired into, viz. What seasons of the year are 
most proper to each work, which the best places and times to buy 
materials, and to put off the commodities when finished; how most 
thriftily to hire, entertain, and oversee servants and workmen : how to 
dispose of every excrement and refuse of materials, or of broken, worn, 
or otherwise unserviceable tools and utensils, with all cauteles, impos- 
tures, and other sleights, good or bad, whereby men use to over- reach 
one another. 

There ought to be added to this work many and various indexes, 
besides the alphabetical ones, as namely one of all the artificials men- 
tioned in the whole work. 

Another of all the natural materials or elements of artificials, by 
what artificers used, from whence they come, where to be had, and 
what are the ordinary and middle prices of them. 

Another of all the qualities or schemes of matter, as of all liquefiable 
things, viscid, friable, heavy, transparent, abstersive, or otherwise qua- 
lified, according to all the classes of 1 , 2, and 3 qualities, to the end 
that materials for all intentions and experiments may be at hand and in 

Another of all operations mentioned in the whole work, as sawing, 
hewing, filing, boring, melting, dissolving, turning, beating, grinding, 
boiling, calcining, knitting, spinning, sowing, twisting, &c. To the 
end that they all may be at hand for the purposes aforesaid. Another 
of all tools and machines, as files, saws, chissels, sheers, sieves, looms, 
shuttles, wheels, wedges, knives, screws, &c. for the same purpose 

The compiler ought to publish all his conjectures, how old inven- 
tions may be perfected and new ones produced, giving directions how 
to try the truth of them. So that by all those unto whose hands these 
books shall come, perchance, all the said suppositions may be tried, 
and the success reported to the compiler himself. 

The compiler's first scope in inventions shall be, how to apply all 
materials that grow in abundance in this kingdom, and whereof but 
inconsiderable use and profits are as yet made, to more advantage to 
the common-wealth. And also how all impotents, whether only blind, 
or only lame, and all children of above seven years old might earn their 
bread, and not be so long burdensome to their parents and others. 

There should be made a preface to the work to teach men how to 
make the most of experiments, and to record the successes of them 
whatsoever, whether according to hopes or no, all being equally luci- 
ferous, although not equally lucriferous. 

There ought to be much artifice used, that all the aforementioned 
indexes may handsomely refer one to another, that all things contained 
in the whole book may be most easily found, and most readily attend 
the seekers of new inventions. 

The way to accomplish this work must be to enquire what to this 
purpose is already done, or in hand, in all places, and also by whom, 
so that communication of counsels and proceeding, may, (if possible) 
be had with those undertakers. 


All books of this subject, already extant in print, must be collected 
and bought, not to transcribe them, but to examine them per autopsiam, 
and re-experiment the experiments contained in them, and withal to 
give hints of new enquiries. 

The compiler must be content to devote his whole life to this employ- 
ment; one who, as we said before, hath the fire of industry and the 
alembick of a curious and rational head, to extract the quintessence of 
whatsoever he seeth. 

He shall be as young as sufficient abilities will admit, to the end 
that he may, with the concurrence of God's ordinary providence, either 
finish, or very far advance the work, while he liveth ; and also that 
living long in that employment, he may heap up the larger stock of 
experiments, which, how much the greater it is in one man, affordeth 
so much the more hopes of new inventions. 

The nature, manner, and means of writing the history of trades being 
so far expounded, before we proceed further therein, for the better 1 
encouragement of undertakers, we shall now represent such profiis and 
commodities thereof, to the commonwealth,. as we at present more 
nearly reflect upon. For to enumerate, or evaluate them all, will be 
much above our capacity. 

1. All men whatsoever may hereby so look into all professions, as 
not to be too grossly cozened and abused in them. 

2. The mysteries of trades being so laid open, as that the professors 
of them cannot make so unlawful and exorbitant advantages as hereto- 
fore, such as are cunning and ambitious will never rest until they have 
found new ones in their stead ; so that the respublica artium will be so 
much the more advanced. 

3. Scholars, and such as love to ratiocinate, will have more and 
better matter to exercise their wits upon, whereas they now puzzle and 
tire themselves, about mere words and chimerical notions. 

4. They will reason with more alacrity, when they shall not only 
get honour by shewing their abilities, but profit likewise by the inven- 
tion of fructiferous arts. 

5. Sophistry shall not be in such esteem as heretofore, when even 
sense shall be able to unmask its vanity, and distinguish it from truth. 

6. Men, seeing what arts are already invented, shall not need to 
puzzle themselves to re-invent the same again. 

7. All men in general that have wherewithal will be venturing at 
our vettus aureum, by making of experiments: and whether thereby 
they thrive or no, the directions in the preface being followed, they 
shall nevertheless more and more discover nature. 

8. Nay all nations, sensible of this auri sacra fames, will engage in 
this hopeful business; and then certainly many hands will make light 
work in the said business of discovering nature. 

9. All ingenious men, and lovers of real knowledge, have a long 
time begged this work, wherefore it can be no small honour to him that 
shall satisfy them. 

10. A vast increase of honourable, profitable, and pleasant inven- 
ti ns must needs spring from the work, when one man (as the compiler 
thereof) may, uno intuitii, see and comprehend all the labour and wit 


of ourancestors, and bo thereby able to supply the defects of one trade 
with the perfections of another. 

11. We see, that all countries, where manufactures and trades flou-t 
rish, as Holland, &c. become potent and rich : For how can it otherwise 
be? When the revenues of the state shall be increased by new and more 
customs, all beggars, feeding upon the labours of other men, and even 
thieves and robbers (made for want of better employment) shall be set 
on work; barren grounds made fruitful, wet dry, and dry wet; when 
even hogs and more indocile beasts shall be taught to labour; when all 
vile materials shall be turned to noble uses ; when one man, or horse, 
shall do as much as three, and every thing be improved to strange ad- 

12. There would not then be so many fustian and unworthy preachers 
in divinity, so many petty-foggers in the law, so many quack-salvers in 
physick, so many grammaticasters in countiy schools, and so many lazy 
serving-men in gentlemen's houses, when every man might learn to live 
otherwise in more plenty and honour; for all men, desirous to take 
pains, might, by this book, survey all the ways of subsistence, and chuse 
out of them all one that best suits with his own genius and abilities. 

13. Scholars, now disesteemed for their poverty (whatever other thing 
commends them), and unable, even for want of livelihood, to perfect 

N any thing, even in their own way, would quickly help themselves by 
opening treasures with (he key of luciferous inventions. 

14. Boys, instead of reading hard Hebrew words in the bible (where 
they either trample on, or play with mysteries) or parrot-like repeating 
heteroclitous nouns and verbs, might read and hear the history of facul- 
-fies expounded ; so that, before they be bound apprentices to any 

trade, they may foreknow the good and bad of it, what will and strength 
they have to it, and not spend seven years in repenting, and in swim- 
ming against the stream of their inclinations. 

All apprentices, by this book, might learn the theory of their trades, 
before they are bound to a master, and consequently may be exempted 
from the tcedium of a seven years bondage; and, having spent but about 
three years with a master, may spend the other four in travelling, to learn 
breeding and the perfection of their trades. 

As it would be more profitable to boys to spend ten or twelve years 
in the study of things, and of this book of faculties, than in a rabble of 
words; so it would be more easy and pleasant to them, as more suit- 
able to the natural propensions we observe in them. For we see chil- 
dren to delight in drums, pipes, fiddles, guns made of elder-sticks and 
bellows noses, piped keys, &c. for painting flags and ensigns with elder- 
berries and corn-poppy; making ships with paper, and setting even 
nut-shells a swimming; handling the tools of workmen, as soon as they 
turn their backs, and trying to work themselves; fishing, fowling, hunt- 
ing, setting springs and traps for birds and other animals; making pic- 
tures in their writing-books; making tops, gigs, and whirligigs ; quilting 
balls; practising divers juggling tricks upon the cards, &c. with a mil- 
lion more besides. And, for the females, they will be making pyeswith 
clay, making their babies clothes, and dressing them therewith; they 
will spit leaves on sticks, as if they were resting meat; they will [imi- 


tate all the talk and actions, which they observe in their mother and 
her gossips, and punctually act the comedy, or tragedy (I know not 
whether tu call it) of a woman's lying-in : By all which it is most evi- 
dent, that children do most naturally delight in things, and are most ca- 
pable of learning them, having quick senses to receive them, and unpre- 
occupied memories to retain them. As for other things, whertunto 
they are now-a-days set, they are altogether unfit, for want of judgment, 
which is but weak in them, and also for want of will ; which is suffi- 
ciently seen both by what we have said before, by the difficulty in keep- 
ing them at schools, and the punishment they will endure, rather than 
be altogether debarred from this pleasure, which they take in things. 

This work will be an help to eloquence, when men, by their great 
acquaintance with things, might find out similitudes^ metaphors, allu- 
sions, and other graces of discourse in abundance. 

To arithmeticians and geometricians, supplying them with matter, 
whereon to exercise those most excellent sciences ; which some having 
with much pains once learned, do, for want hereof, forget again, or un- 
profitably apply about resolving needless questions, and making of new 
difficulties: The number of mixt mathematical arts would hereby be 

For we see thatopticks are made up of pure mathematicks, the ana- 
tomy of the eye, and some physical principles, concerning the nature of 
light and vision, with some experiments of convex and concave glasses ; 
astronomy is constituted again of them, and some celestial phcenomena. 
Enginry again of them, and some propositions de cochlea et vecte. And 
so certainly, as the number of axioms concerning several subjects doth 
increase by this work, so the number of (their applications to pure ma- 
thematicks, id est) new mathematical arts will increase also. 

Divines, having so large a book of God's works, added to that of his 
word, may, the more clearly from them both, deduce the wisdom, pow- 
er, and goodness of the Almighty. 

Physicians, observing the use of all drugs, and operations in the pro- 
duction of artificials, may, with success, transfer them to better uses in 
their art. 

And lawyers, when they plead concerning trades and manufactures, 
would better know what to say on such occasions. 

A young beginner may know by this book, how much stock is need- 
ful to set him up in his trade. 

Gentlemen, falling sometimes accidentally into tradesmen and han- 
dicrafts company, would know how to make use of such occurrences 
to advantage. 

Lastly, This history, with the comments thereupon, and the indexes, 
preface, and supplements thereunto belonging, would make us able, if 
it be at all possible, to demonstrate axioms in philosophy, the value and 
dignity whereof cannot be valued or computed. 

The next book, which we recommend, is the history of nature free; 
for indeed the history of trades is also an history of nature, but of nature 
vexed and disturbed. What we mean by this history, may be known 
by the Lord Verulam's most excellent specimen thereof; and, as for the 
particulars that it should treat on, we refer to his exact and judicious 
catalogue of them, at the end of his advancement of learning. 


An Advertisement to the favourable reader. 

IN the foregoing discourse we have discovered the things, which con- 
cern the addresses for outward accommodation, which is but a mo- 
mentary part of human felicity. The main and principal thing where- 
at in this office we do aim at, and which we intend, if God inable Us to 
prosecute, is, the work of communication for all spiritual and intellec- 
tual advantages, towards the advancement of pi^ty, virtue, and learning 
in all things divine and human, as they are subordinate unto the glory 
of God]; for whose sake alone we cast ourselves upon these endeavours, 
and from whom we shall expect our encouragements, 





London, printed in the year 1648. Quarto, containing thirty-four pages. 
L. Montague's Essays, the IVth book, the XXlVth chapter. 

Of a defect in our Policies. 

MY late father, who had no help but from experience and his own na- 
ture, yet of an unspotted judgment, hath heretofore told me, that he 
much desired to bring in this custom, which is, that in all cities there 
should be a certain appointed place, to which whosoever should have 
need of any thing might come, and cause his business to be registered 
by some officer appointed for that purpose. As for example : If 
one have pearls to sell, he should say, I seek to sell some pearls ; an- 
other, I seek to buy some pearls : Such a man would fain have com- 
pany to travel to Paris : Such an one sceketh for an master, another a 
workman, some this, some that, every one as he needeth. And it 
seemeth that this means of intenvarning one another, would bring no 
small commodity unto common commerce and society; for there are 
ever conditions that interseek one another, and, because they under- 
stand not one another, they leave men in great necessity. I under- 
stand, to the infamous reproach of our age, that, even in our sight, two 
most excellent men in knowledge have miserably perished for want 
of food and other necessaries, Lilius Gregorius Giraldus in Italy, and 
Sebastianus Castalio in Germany. And I verily believe there are 
many thousands, who, had they known or understood their wants, 
would either have sent for them, and with large stipends have enter- 


tained them, or would have conveyed them succour where ever they 
had been. The world is not so generally corrupted, but I know some 
that would earnestly wish, and, with hearty affections, desire the 
goods, which their fore-fathers have left them, might, so long as it 
shall please God they may enjoy them, be employed for the relief of 
rare, and supply of excelleut men's necessities, and such as for any 
kind of worth and virtue are remarkable, many of which are daily 
seen to be pursued by poverty, even to the utmost extremity, and 
that would take such order for them as, had they not their ease and 
content, it might only be imputed to their want of reason, or lack of 

BEFORE we fell into these last troubles, a brief discourse was pre- 
sented unto the high and honourable houses of parliament con- 
cerning the means to accomplish the work of our reformation; tending 
to shew that, by an office of publick address in spiritual and temporal 
concernments, the glory of God and happiness of this nation may be 
highly advanced. 

This discourse hath fully approved itself unto the judgment of all 
those that have seen it hitherto, and hopefully it would have wrought 
some effect upon those that manage the affairs of this State, if the dan- 
ger of this last commotion had not employed all their strength and at- 
tention, to save us from sudden shipwreck. Nor is the sea yet quieted 
after so great a storm ; but the fears and expectations of what will fol- 
low do keep the minds of most men in suspense, till they see a safe har 
hour, that is, what the way of our future settlement will be. 

And truly this consideration might also suspend our thoughts and 
solicitations in this matter; if we would look only to the outward ap- 
pearance of affairs, and make ourselves^ as many do by theif conjectures, 
fearful. For ' he that observeth the wind, shall not sow; and he that 
regardeth the clouds, shall not reap'* : But we have learned to cast our 
bread upon the waters, in hope that we may find it after many days ; 
and we are willing to give a portion unto seven, and also to eight, be- 
cause we know not what evil shall be upon the earth. So then, even 
that, which maketh others less careful of thepubfick, doth increase our 
care for it. For most men will not intend any publick aim till they can 
secure their own interests, and see a way to get advantage by that which 
they call the publick. But we shall never aim at this; our delight 
shall be, that all may be advantaged, and the publick interest of the 
commonwealth settled, although it should be to our cost and disadvan- 
tage: For we know the promise, that if we faint not, and become not 
weary in well-doing, we shall reap in due time the fruit of righteousness. 

Therefore, on the grounds laid in the former discourse, we shall en- 
deavour to proceed to offer some particulars ; which, perhaps, will take 
more with most men, than that which we aim at principally. For our 
aim is mainly to lay the grounds of that reformation in this change of 
our affairs, which may reach the spirits of men to affect thejn with a 

EccJei. .*. 


gospc'l-frame : But, if we therein cannot come near them immediately, yet 
we shall endeavour to come as near as we may by the things whereof they are 
capable; because we are resolved rather to venture the losing of our la- 
bour, than to sit still, and not give ourselves this satisfaction that we 
have discharged a good conscience in performing our duty. 

We shall declare then, with that simplicity which becometh a good 
conscience in the presence of God, that our desire is to serve all men 
freely in the publick interest so far as God doth inable us ; and that by 
this design we aim at a special advantage to the gospel of Christ rather 
than at any thing else; and if we can but awake those that are in places 
of power and authority, to take notice of the means whereby all men's 
talents may become useful to each other in this commonwealth, that, for 
their own temporal ends, they would countenance and promote the 
same, we shall have our end at this time in this undertaking. 

Therefore now we make odr application as to all indifferently, that 
love the prosperity of Sion, and the welfare of this state ; so more par- 
ticularly to those whom God hath appointed to be our leaders in every 
good work, and cncouragers of those that apply themselves thereunto ; 
that, whether they lay the matter to heart or no, they may not be with- 
out a witness before God and the world, that this is a duty belonging to 
their charge; which, without any charge, trouble, or difficulty, may be 
most easily brought to pass, by a few words in the way of order, to au- 
thorise the undertaking of such an office, for the unspeakable benefit of 
all, and without the least imaginable inconveniency unto any. 

And, that the thing itself may manifest the truth of this, we shall 
come to a more particular discovery of the office in matters of temporal 
accommodation ; which unto the men of this world are sensible induce- 
ments towards all enterprises. 

I-et us then consider, what it is that maketh a commonwealth, and 
all those that are in it happy, as to the life of nature. The chief end 
of commonwealths is society, the end of society is mutual help, and the 
end and use of help is to enjoy from one another comforts ; that is, eve- 
ry thing lawfully desirable or wanting to our conteutation. Whereso- 
ever then, in a commonwealth, such a constitution may be had, whereby 
the members thereof may be inabled to enjoy from each other all the 
helps which nature doth afford unto them for our mutual contentation, 
there the state, and all those that are in it, may be said to be as happy 
as this world can make them. 

For no man can be more happy in nature, than to have all his lawful 
desires supplied so far as they are attainable. But in this commonwealth 
such a constitution may be had, and that easily, which will do this: 
Therefore this commonwealth, and all the members thereof, may be as 
happy as this world can make them, if their rulers will either assist them, 
or at least suffer them to become so. 

Now this constitution whereof we speak is nothing else, but the de- 
signation of a certain place, whereunto it shall be free for every one 
to make his address upon all occasions, as well to offer unto others, as 
to receive from them, the commodities which are desirable, and the in- 
formations of things profitable to be taken notice of in a private or 
a publick way. 


In this place an officer is to be appointed, who should have power to 
direct and order the work of the constitution. He should have certain 
men under him, so many as he should think fit to keep registers, and 
make extracts thereof, to give to such as should desire the same for 
their information. 

These registers should be of all things which either may be any way 
offered by one man to any or to all, and desired by another from any or 
from all ; or which otherwise may be of publick use, though not at all 
taken notice of by any to that end. 

And the end, wherefore these registers are thus to be kept, is only, 
that therein may be settled a center of encounters to give information 
to all of all useful matters; for one of the great causes of our misery in 
this present life is this: that we are not only in the dark, not knowing 
what good things are extant in private, or publickly attainable for use, 
but we are in disorder and confusion, because, when we know what 
things are attainable, yet we have no way contrived how to encounter 
readily and certainly with them ourselves, when we have need of them, 
or, when we have them, to impart them to such as want them. 

Now, to remedy both these evils, this office may be an instrument, 
by being made a common intelligencer for all, not only of things ac- 
tually offered, or desired by some to be communicated, but also of 
things by himself and others observable, which may be an occasion to 
raise matter of communication for the information of all. 

The multitude of affairs in populous places doth naturally run into a 
confusion, except some orderly way be found out to settle times and 
places, wherein those, that are to attend them, may meet together for 
the transaction thereof. If there were no exchanges, nor set hours 
thereof for merchants to meet and transact matters, what a disorder and 
obstruction would there be in all trading! and, if a man, that hath to 
do in the Exchange with five or six men, doth come to it when it is 
thronging full, and knoweth not the ordinary walks of those several 
men, nor any body that can tell him where their walks are, he may run 
up and down, here and there, and weary himself out of breath, and 
not meet with any of them, except by great chance he light upon them ; 
but, if he doth know their constant walks and hours, when they come 
upon the Exchange, he may be able to meet with them in an instant. 
So it is with all other men, in respect of all other ccmveniencies, in 
great and populous cities, or kingdoms: they run up and down at ran- 
dom to seek for their accommodations, and, when they have wearied 
themselves a long time in vain, they sit down oft-times unsatisfied; but, 
if there were but a place of common resort appointed, like unto the 
Exchange, where they should be sure to receive information of all that 
which they would desire to know, they might, without any loss of time, 
come instantly to the enjoyment of their desires, so far as they are 

This place, then, is that which we call the Office of Address. Here 
sufficient registers should be kept of all desirable matters of human 
accommodations, shewing where, with whom, and upon what condi- 
tions' they may be had ; and this would be, as it were, a national Ex- 

VOL. VI. J, 


change for all desirable commodities, to know the ready way of encoun- 
tering with them, and transacting for them. 

This, then, is the proper end and use of this office, to set every 
body in a way, by some direction and address, how to come speedily 
to have his lawful desires accomplished, of what kind soever they may 

This constitution will be a means mightily to increase all trade and 
commerce amongst merchants and all sorts of people, but especially to 
relieve the necessities of the poor, for whose sake alone it doth deserve 
to be entertained, although there were no other conveniency in it. 
But, to shew that by the advantage of such an address, as is intended 
by this office to be set on foot, all trade will be mainly advanced, con- 
sider how, for want of it, occasions of trading and transacting of busi- 
nesses are hindered between man and man, to their mutual disadvan- 
tage, and the detriment of the commonwealth. As for example : I am 
desirous to let out a parcel of ground and an house upon it to be rented; 
another is desirous to have some ground with an house upon it to farm; 
we, for want of knowing each other's desires, do not meet to treat upon' 
the business, and cannot find our accommodations, perhaps, in a year 
or two, to our content. Here, then, the commerce, which we might 
have with each other, is stopped ; the publick notary is not employed 
letween us ; the counsellor, whose advice is to be used in drawing the 
leases, is not employed ; I want money, which I might trade withal 
another way, to my great profit, and the publick benefit; the farmer is 
idle, the house not inhabited, and out of repair; the ground either not 
at all, or not so well cultivated, as otherwise it would be; the inheri- 
tance doth go to decay; less fruit is reaped oif the ground, less employ- 
ment for labouring men, less works and manufactures of tradesmen and 
shopkeepers used ; fewer customs and duties paid to the publick; and 
consequently, in every respect, both to myself, and others to whom I 
am associated, a disadvantage doth befall, because I cannot encounter 
with the conveniency, whereof I stand in need, nor the farmer with his 
accommodation; but, if we could have met with each other, and 
transacted ou, business to our mutual content, all these inconveniencies 
would have been prevented, both to us and the publick. It is unde- 
niably true, that the multitude of people doth beget affairs, and the 
ready transaction of affairs in a state is the only means to make it flou- 
rish in the felicity of the inhabitants ; and that nothing can advance 
such a ready transaction so much, as a common center of intelligence 
for all such matters, is quite out of doubt. 

As for the benefit of the poor, and the relief of their necessities (which 
alone might move us to the prosecuting of this business) there is nothing 
imaginable that can be more beneficial unto them. For consider, 
amongst all the causes of human poverty, which are many, this main 
one ; namely, that most men are poor for want of employment, and 
the cause why they want employment, is, either because they cannot 
find masters to employ them ; or because their abilities and fitness to 
do service are not known to such as might employ them: or, lastly, 
because there is perhaps little work stirring in the common-wealth for 
them. All these causes will be clearly remedied by this constitution; 


for here not only the master shall be able to encounter with a servant, 
or a servant with a master, fit for each other, when both have given up 
their names, and the tenor of their desires, with the places of their 
abode, to the registers of the office; but, by the collection and observa- 
tion of all things profitable to be improved for the publick use, much 
matter of employment will be produced and found out, which now is 
not at all thought upon. When poor workmen or tradesmen come to a 
great city, such as London is, in hope of getting employment; if .they 
fail of their expectation, or meet not with the friends upon whom they 
did rely, they betake themselves to begging, or sometimes to far worse 
courses, which brings them to a miserable end : but if, instead of their 
particular expectation and friends, they can betake themselves to one, 
that can give them address to that employment which in the common- 
wealth can be found for them; they not only may be preserved from 
beggary and misery, but become useful unto their neighbour. 

Hitherto we have spoken of the office, and the usefulness thereof in 
respect of the end. Now we shall come to the matters whereof regis- 
ters should be kept in the office for information and address, to satisfy all 
men's desires. 

The desires of men are infinite, in respect of the circumstances; and 
therefore it is not to be expected that a particular enumeration thereof 
should be made. We must reflect upon the principal heads whereunto 
all may be referred, that when particulars are offered they may be 
brought into their proper places in the registers, where they may be 
found in due time for information and addressees of one towards 

There be two kinds of registers or inventories of address : some are of 
things which are perpetually the same, and always existent in the so- 
ciety of mankind in general, and in a distinct commonwealth, kingdom, 
province, and city in particular; arid others are not perpetual but 
changeable registers, containing all matters of daily occurrence between 
man and man to be imparted. 

The matters, whereof the perpetual and unchangeable registers 
should give information to such as may enquire after the same, are 
chiefly these: 

1. For such as would know concerning any thing extant in the 
world, what hath been said or written of it, the standing register should 
contain a catalogue of all catalogues of books, whereunto the inquisitor 
may be referred to seek out whether or no he can find any thing written 
of the matter whereof he doth make inquiry in any of those catalogues, 
and the office should have one or more copies of each of those cata- 
logues, to which the register of catalogues should refer them to make 
their search. 

2. For such as should make inquiry concerning this kingdom, to 
know the situation of any of the provinces, shires, counties, cities, 
towns, villages, castles, ports, and such like places; the office should 
have Speed's Description of this Kingdom 1 , and Mercator, or others, to 
refer them thereunto. 

3. For such as would desire to know, what publick officers and 

L 2 


employments, and what particular trades are of use in this state; the 
office should shew a register thereof. 

4. For such as would know what families and persons of eminent 
note and quality are in the kingdom, for birth, or for place and em- 
ployment, or for abilities and singular. personal virtues; the office should 
shew who they are, and what their property is, and where to be met 

5. For such as desire to know the standing commodities of the 
kingdom; what they are in the whole, and what peculiar to every 
place? How they are transported from place to place? Where and 
when the markets thereof are kept? And how to get intelligence, of the 
particular prices thereof? The office should have registers for informa- 
tion of all this. 

6. For such as desire to know what commodities are imported from 
foreign parts constantly into this kingdom? Where, and at what times 
to be found ? With information concerning the prices thereof; the 
office should be able to give notice hereof. 

As for the matters of daily occurrence, which, by reason of circum- 
stances, are changeably to be taken notice of, and differently to be pro- 
posed, as offered fiom one man to another, or desired by one from 
another, for mutual accommodation ; the registers thereof must be di- 
vided into several books, and the books into chapters, to whose heads 
all matters of that kind should be referred. 

The titles of these books should be at least these four ; I . One for 
the accommodation of the poor. 2. Another for the accommodation 
of trade, commerce, and bargains for profit. 3. A third for the ac- 
commodation of all actions, which proceed from all relations of persons 
to each other, in all estates and conditions of life. 4. A fourth for 
ingenuities, and matters of delight unto the mind, in all virtues and 
rare objects. 

These four registers may be distinguished and intituled, from the 
properties of their subjects, thus: the first should be called the Register 
of Necessities, or of Charity: the second, ol Usefulness, or of Profit: 
the third, of Performance, or of Duties: and the fourth, of Delights, 
or of Honour. And to these heads all human occurrences, wherein 
one man may be helpful to another, may be referred, if not very di- 
rectly, yet in some way, which will be without difficulty understood, 
and fit to avoid confusion in the matters of the registers. 

Now we shall come to each of these books in particular, to shew the 
matters of accommodation which shall be contained therein, for publick 
and private service. 

I. The Register for the Poor. 

THE heads of chapters, unto which all matters of accommodation 
for the poor may be referred, are these : 

1. Counsels and advices to be given concerning the means, whereby 
the poor may be relieved, by being set at work, and employed, 
if they be strong; or, in case of sickness and want of employment, how 
to facilitate the provision of lodging, cloathing, food, and entertain- 


ment for them: here, with the particular expedients which shall be 
suggested, a note of the names of those that do suggest them shall be 
registered, and, if they desire it, a certificate given unto them to attest 
what they have suggested. 

2. The list of the names of the poor, viz. the number of those that 
are entertained, and how they are provided for already in several places. 
Secondly, the names of such, as have no provision made for them, 
shall be enrolled in the list of the poor to be entertained, when they 
come with a certificate of their condition to the commissioners for the 
poor, and have made their case known unto them: where a special 
respect is to be had to the poor that are shame-faced, and want confi- 
dence to put forth themselves to be objects of publick or private 

3. The list of names of benefactors to the poor, whether in publick 
or private, that the poor who are enrolled may receive address, and go 
unto them for relief, or employment, as the way of their charity shall 
fall out, to be bestowed by themselves, or those whom they shall ap- 
point to distribute it; for the office of address shall not meddle with the 
receipts or distribution of any money in this kind; but only with the 
names of the givers and Receivers thereof, to notify the one to the 

4. The names of physicians, apothecaries, and surgeons, who shall 
offer themselves to visit the poor in their sickness, to bring them some 
remedies, or give them advice what to do in point of diet, or other- 
wise for their health. 

5. A list of experiments and easy remedies of diseases, which any 
shall be willing to impart for the good of the publick, and speedy relief 
of the diseased and poor, chiefly by the discoveries of the admirable 
effects of simples; shall be enrolled with the names of those that impart 
the same unto the physicians, surgeons, and apothecaries, who shall 
offer themselves to give attendance upon the poor in their sickness. 

6. Because all persons, though otherwise never so rich in posses- 
sions, if they be under any grievous sickness or affliction, and can find 
no relief for it, are to be counted por>r, and are objects of charity, if 
they will not be known by name, to be in such a case ; the factum 
or circumstantial description of their case may be sent unto the office; 
and a memorial adjoined of some plaqe or body who is to receive the 
answer of advice to be procured upon it; and the officer of the office of 
address shall cause an advice to be given by the physicians, who shall 
offer themselves for the assistance of the poor, and it shall be written at 
the bottom of the factum, or the description of the case. 

7. Tn case any would have, in matters of difficulty in law business, 
the impartial advice of eminent counsellors upon the case which by 
word of mouth they themselves are unwilling to declare; they may 
take the like course : or, if they would know the judgment of other 
advocates and counsellors not formerly interested in the matter, whether 
it doth agree with that which hath been given to them, by those 
whom they have made use of; they may, without expressing of 
their own, or others names, make use of the address which the office 
shall be able to give them in like manner. 



8. And in case, either for want of judgment or experience, they 
know not how to set down their cases andfactutns circumstantially ; the 
office will be able to give them address to such as shall do it for them, 
with all secrecy and faithfulness. 

p. In case there be any who, by reason of poverty or other necessi- 
ties and unavoidable hindrance, cannot pursue their rights and just 
interests in law; the office will be able to address them unto some, that 
shall undertake the pursuit of the business for them by right ; or else 
make an amiable composition and transaction of the matter, for their 
best advantage, with their adversary on their behalf. 

10. The list of poor scholars, who have made some beginning in 
learning, and with a little matter of assistance might be inabled to per- 
fect their course, and become useful in their way to the publick, shall 
be kept by itself; that, when the names of such as shall offer to be 
helpful unto such shall be notified, they may be addressed unto them. 

11. The list of strangers, who are going to their country, and are 
objects of charity here; as also of our own countrymen who, being 
strangers in distress elsewhere, or captives under the Turks, are objects 
of charity, and may by their friends here seek for help upon good cer- 
tificates of their condition, and of the means of sending the relief which 
shall be procured unto them. 

12. Because the publick state and society of a commonwealth it 
often times in a course of poverty, and want of many things, and is an 
object of great charity in several respects, a list shall be kept of all the 
memorials or offers, which may be made by any for the ease of incon- 
veniencies befalling thereunto, or for the advantage and benefit, which 
may be procured thereunto in a publick way; and, the authors names 
and places of abode being known, they shall by the means of the officer 
of address be directed to such as will be most able to promote the exe- 
cution thereof; and if they be absent a great way from London, or from 
the place of supreme government, where all proposals of that kind are 
to be considered, without putting themselves to the charges of a great 
journey at adventure, the matter may be prosecuted in their name by 
some in whose hands the officer of address may put it ; and a deserved 
recompence may be by him procured unto the author of the advice and 
proposal, out of the benefit, which thence may accrue unto the pub- 

II. The Register of Commerce and Bargains. 

THE heads of chapters, whereunto matters of commerce may bft 
referred in the way of trading, are distinguished into the kinds of com- 
modities whereof bargains are made, and into the cases and ways of 
making bargains about these commodities. 

The chapters of commodities. 

First, The chiefest of all commodities, because it doth give a common 
yaluation to Till other things, is money ; the office then shall give infor- 
mation and address : 


1. What the species-and sorts of coin extant here and elsewhere are 
in silver and gold ? What their weight and valuation is ? 

2. What the course of exchange is amongst merchants for all places 
of trade, and how it doth change from time to time, towards Holland, 
France, Spain, Germany, &c. 

Secondly, The most necessary of all commodities is food ; to this 
head the office doth refer for information and address all particulars of 
meat and drink. 

1. Of meats the list doth contain all vegetables serving for that use; 
as wheat, barley, rye, oats, pease, beans, rice, and all corn and grains, 
and pulse, and every thing of that kind, and all fruits and roots fit for 
food, to shew what the rates thereof are, and where they are to be 

2. All living creatures in the earth, air, and waters, beasts, fowls, 
and fishes; the office shall give the address to the place, where they are 
to be bought, and shew the ordinary rates thereof in the several parts of 
the kingdom. 

3. Of drinks, as wine, beer, ale, cyder, perry, mead, strong wa- 
ters, and what else is of this kind, the office will let you know where to 
have your choice, and at the best rates. 

4. Item, the list of the places and rates, at which men may diet 
themselves, either wholly, or by meals, as an ordinary. 

Thirdly, Next to food is physick, and all drugs and wares which 
are used as ingredients thereunto, as spices and herbs; and all apothe- 
caries wares, whether simples or compounds ; and all grocers commo- 
dities, serving either for food or physick, the office shall let you know, 
where, and at what rates they are to be had. 

Fourthly, Unto the preservation of life and health, doth belong also 
cloathing of all sorts of cloth and stuff; silks, and woollen, linnen, and 
cotton of each kind : the list of ordinary rates, and the place where 
they are to be found, is to be shewed. 

Fifthly, Houses in the city or country to be lett or sold, and lodg- 
ing chambers, furnished or unfurnished, with their rates, are to be 
shewed also. 

Sixthly, The commodities of lands and inheritances, and leases of 
farms and mannors, which are to be bargained for in any kind, are to 
be brought to their proper places for information to such as would en- 
quire after them. 

Seventhly, All manner of moveables and houshold stuff, for the ease 
and convenience, of life, are to be listed with the rates at which they 
are to be sold, for such as shall desire present accommodation. 

Eighthly, Whole shops of goods or such commodities as are not to 
be found in shops, as coaches, litters, carts, with all their furniture, 
ships, boats, woods, and such like, which the owners would not ptit 
to sale, should be found in their proper places for the information of 

Ninthly, Libraries, and booksellers shops, according to their several 
kinds : item shops of paper and parchment, and all wares of this kind, 
with their rates, are to be found under this head. 

L 4 


The/ chapters of the cases and ways of making bargains* 

1. If any desire to let out money upon interest with security, or 
desire to receive it upon interest in giving security, the office shall b 
able to give address thereunto. 

2. If any will deposit money for annuities, or estate in reversion^ 
the office shall address to such as will receive it. 

3. If any will borrow or lend money upon any other conditions 
whatsoever, as upon lands, houses, leases, rents, &c. the office shall 
give information and address thereunto. 

4. If travellers desire to change money from one species to another, 
or to be furnished in all places where they shall come, the office shall 
be able to address them to their accommodation. 

5. If any desire to transport himself or his commodities by land or 
water, from one place to another, the office shall shew him where 
horses, coaches, carts, waggons, boats, ships, and barks are to be had 
for all places, and what their hire is, or what the hundred weight, or 
the ton, and last, doth come to for transportation. 

6. The rates of all customs, taxes, impositions, and duties to be 
paid for all commodities should be found in the office for information 
of such as desire to know the same. 

7. If any desire to know upon what terms apprentices are to be 
admitted in all trades and manufactures, the office shall give them 

8. If any should be willing to transplant himself or others from these 
parts into any of the Western or Southern islands; or desire any thing 
from thence to be brought hither, or carried from hence thither, the 
office should be able to shew him upon what terms his desire may be 

9- The proportion and disproportion of the several weights and mea- 
sures, throughout the kingdom, the office should shew. 

10. The rates of insurances of all manner of commodities; and 

11. The weekly course of negotiation to be made, as the custom is 
at Amsterdam, for all commodities shall be known by the means of the 

12. If any desire an association for trading, or a factory, the office 
shall address him unto it. 

III. The Register of Persons, and Actions, in all Offices and Relations. 

IF any one should desire to know men out of employment, who 
would gladly be set to work in their faculty; the office shall be able to 
make them known; therefore, unto this head of persons, the register 
shall refer in their proper places all such as shall offer themselves to be 
listed for any employment whatsoever, that, when enquiry is made after 
them, they may be found out. Here then a place must be: for, 

1. Ministers that want employment, for lecturers an,d professors of 
all sciences, for such as offer themselves to be tutors to children: all 
sorts of schoolmasters in all languages, and all schoolmistresses, all 
masters of bodily exercises, as fencing, vaulting, dancing, &c. 


2. Physicians and surgeons, and such as depend upon them to do 
any service in that kind. 

3. Secretaries, advocates, counsellors at law, clerks, copiers of 
writings, scriveners, sollicitors of business, and all such as depend upon 
the courts of justice, as the Chancery, Common-Pleas, the King's 
Bench, &c. 

4. Here also all such as are officers or servants in the families of 
the King, Queen, prince, or great noblemen, to know where they are 
to be found, or such as may be fit to do noblemen service, as stewards, 
riders of the great horse, and all such as may do service in the stables or 
the kitchin, cooks, butlers, confectioners, &c. waiting gentlemen; 
grooms of the chambers, or of the stables, porters, gardeners, coach- 
men, faulconers, footmen. 

5. Messengers for all places, who serve the publick as" foot or horse- 
posts, to carry letters or other pacquets of small burden. 

6. Here also such as are masters of any trades or manufactures, or 
journeymen and apprentices that seek masters, are to be registered, to 
give them the address fit for their conveniency, when any is to be had. 

7. Husbandmen and seamen, pilots, and all that belong to the 
employments by water. 

8. Soldiers of all degrees; drummers, trumpeters, pipers, &c. 

2. As for the female kind, their memorials are to be brought into 
the office by some men whom they should employ to that effect; and 
the office shall have some grave and pious matrons to be employed 
about the direction of all addresses in that nature ; to whom the cases 
of women (as well as the inspection of the affairs of the poor, as the 
accommodation of others in their lawful desires and offers) may be 

3. Matters of marriage, and all memorials for information in that 
kind are to be brought into this head; whether of children to be dis- 
posed of, or of free persons who have power to dispose of themselves. 

4. If any be towards any journey and want company to travel 
withal and seek society, their memorials are to be registered under this 
head. And if any want instruction and intelligence of the distances of 
places, or of the ways and of the conveniencies to be had in several 
places, of coaches, horses, waggons, &c. the office shall be able to 
furnish them with their information of all this; and how to be accommo- 
dated so far as the places do afford every kind of conveniency, and by 
this means travellers also will be more secured in their ways and better 
provided for. 

5. Suits in law to commence or end them without trouble, to which 
effect such address shall be shewed, as may ease those that cannot 
attend their suits themselves (by reason of their distance from the places 
where the courts are kept) by the means of faithful agents and impartial 

6. In case rents are to be received by any in places far distant from 
their residence, the office shall be able, by the correspondency which 
it shall keep in all places, to procure the payment thereof nearer at 
hand unto them; or in the place of their residence itself without 


7. Such as shall desire the common intelligence of puWick state 
affairs, or occurrences of matters of more special concernment at home, 
or abroad, shall find address how to come by it to their content. 

8. Such as expect rewards for services done to the King or state, 
and know not where to pitch and what to desire, answerable to what 
is due unto them, a discovery of degrees may be found by the office to 
accommodate their just desires. 

9- In case sentences or obligations be to be executed, the office 
shall be able to shew in all places of the kingdom some body, that may 
be employed to that effect. 

J 0. Persons expert to attend the sick : also the places where sick 
persons may be accommodated for all manner of diseases better than at 
their own homes, with baths, and places to sweat in, or for good air 
and healthful walks, c. 

11. In case any matter is to be notified to a friend, -whose abode is 
uncertain; as the marriage of any to be contracted, or the birth and 
death of any, or the arrival of any to the city, or the change of his own 
abode : or, suppose a paper, or writ, or obligation be lost by any 
which another hath found ; which, to him that hath lost it, is of great 
importance, and is not safe to be published by a cryer for fear of giving 
notice thereof to an adverse party, in all such cases the office should 
serve as a common center of advertisement and intelligence. 

12. The hours and times of all carriers and messengers departures 
to all places ; and in case strangers should desire to address any thing 
by them, chiefly letters or small pacquets, a trunk or box should be in 
the office kept for every one of them, wherein it should be found at 
their return, to be carried with them. 

13. Such as would quit any office or charge of benefit for some 
present profit, or other consideration, may here find address how to 
compass their desires, by giving the memorial thereof to the office, that 
it may be notified to all, that may incline to entertain any such mo- 

14. Such as would inform the state of any thing to be taken notice 
of, whether they will have their names taken notice of or not, they may 
be sure by the means of this office to have it made known over all the 
kingdom, by the correspondency of one office to another in every prin- 
cipal city ; for the design is to have a commissary of address placed in 
every great and eminent city, who shall correspond with him of Lon- 
don, and with whom the London officer shall correspond in all cases to 
receive and give notice of matters, and to address persons and things 
from one to another, and to commit the procurement of affairs to their 
trust, and to such as they may employ able to effect the same in their 
several quartets; so that from anyplace in all the kingdom a business 
way be dispatched to any place or person, by the procuration of the 
correspondent officers of address in several places. 

15. Strangers who desire to visit a country, and have no acquaint- 
ance in any places, may be addressed from one commissary of address 
unto another, throughout the whole kingdom, and in every place pro- 
vided for at the easiest rates, and by the way directed unto the safest 
abodes and lodgings without hazard of being robbed or killed, when 


they shall not need to carry any sums of money about with them, but 
only certain bills or tickets from the officer of address to his correspon- 
dents, where he shall receive his accommodation according to his desire. 
By which means also they shall come to the acquaintance of all persons 
of note in all trades and employments, with whom they may have 
converse instantly without loss of time and needless expences. 

16". If any hath a house to build, and would know the best master* 
builders, and where all the materials necessary thereunto are to be had, 
the office shall be able to give him information and address thereunto 
with the prices, &c. 

IV. The Register of Ingenuities, and Matters commendable for Wit* 
Worth, and Rarity. 

To the chapters of this register are to be referred the memorials of all 
things, wherein men put some excellency, whether it be settled in the 
soul, or body, or subordinate to the manifestation or purchase of that, 
wherein men study to be beneficial unto, or to appear before others, in 
any thing whatsoever. 

1. Here then, if any hath a feat in any science, which is extraor- 
dinary; either a new discovery of a truth, or an experiment in physick, 
mathematicks, or mechanicks; or a method of delivering sciences or 
languages, not ordinarily known, and very profitable ; or some intricate 
question and difficulty, which he would have resolved by the most 
experienced in any, or all arts : in any such case, if the matter be no- 
tified to the office, with the tenor of his desire concerning it; by the 
means of the office, he shall be able to receive satisfaction therein so 
far as it is attainable. 

2. If any is desirous to know the ways by which all degrees of 
honour are obtained, or conferred in all states and conditions of men, 
with all the ceremonies and ritualities belonging thereunto, and the 
privileges, for which in all states they are sought after, the office shall 
be able to give information thereof. 

3. If any would purchase rare books out of print, or manuscripts 
of any kind, or would impart that, which he hath purchased, unto 
others, freely, or upon equitable terms, by the means of the office, it 
may be speedily notified unto all what his desire is, and what the things 
are, which he either hath to be imparted to others, or would have 
imparted by others to himself. 

4. The rarities of cabinets, as medals, statues, pictures, coins, 
grains, flowers, shells, roots, plants, and all things that come from far, 
which nature or art hath fully produced in imitation of nature : if any 
hath desires to be rid of them, or to gather some of them together that 
hath none; the office will be either way serviceable to compass men's 
ends in them. 

5. Mathematical and astronomical instruments, and new inventions 
to discover the secrets and hidden things of nature, if they are to be 
notified to others, the office will do it. 

Th anatomies of creatures, or the living or dead strange crea- 


turos, dogs, cats, apes, fowls of rare qualities, and such like, if they 
be offered to be seen or sold, by the office this may be notified. 

7. Memorials of all things left by any for publick use, and for pos- 
terity ; with the places where, and the persons to whom they are left. 

8. , v Rare goldsmiths works, with all manner of jewels and precious 
rare stories, where are to be found, seen, or purchased, at equitable 
rates, or otherwise to be made use of for the satisfaction of curiosity, 
and observation of art, by the means of this office it may be known, 

Hitherto we have, with as much brevity as could be (for, if we 
would have been large, a volume might have been filled with them) 
ranked these heads of matters in some order, to shew, how, by the 
means of an office, wherein all things may be registered, which by any 
are either offered or desired for their accommodation, the society of 
mankind, in a well-ordered commonwealth, may be made flourishing, 
and as happy in the life of nature, as the satisfaction of their lawful 
desires can make them. For therein, as in one magazine or market- 
place, all things necessary, profitable, rare, and commendable, which 
are extant in several places, and scattered here and there, are brought 
together ; and exposed to the view of every one that shall be willing to 
see them, that, according to his reach and capacity, they may be made 
serviceable unto him, and he thereby, in his degree and station, more 
useful unto the publick a hundred fold, than otherwise he can be, with- 
out the help of such an address. For it is very apparent to any that 
ill take it into consideration, that, besides the private satisfaction of 
any one in his particular desires, which may be had by this means, so 
far as it is attainable in an orderly way, the publick aims also of those 
that are over the affairs of state, to reform and direct them towards the 
good of all, may be infinitely improved, if they know but how to make 
use of such an engine. He that can look upon the frame of a whole 
state, and see the constitution of all the parts thereof, and doth know 
what strength is in every part, or what the weakness thereof is, and 
whence it doth proceed, and can, as in a perfect model of a celestial 
globe, observe all the motions of the spheres thereof; or, as in a watch, 
see how all the wheels turn and work one upon another for such and 
such ends; he only can fundamentally know what may and ought to 
be designed, or can be affected in that state for the increase of the glory, 
and the settlement of the felicity thereof with power according to righ- 

And it is very credible, that the statesman of our neighbour nation, 
who raised himself from the condition of an ordinary gentleman, to 
become the ruler of princes; and who, by the management of the 
strength of that state wherein he lived, hath broken the whole design of 
the House of Austria, in the affectation x)f the monarchy of Europe, 
and did make himself, and the kingdom which he did rule, the only 
considerable power of Christendom, whilst he lived in it : we say, it is 
very credible, that this man was inabled, from so mean beginnings, to 
bring so great designs to pass, chiefly by the dexterity of his prudence 
in making use of this engine, which never before was set a work in 


any commonwealth, to reflect upon a whole state, till he did set it a- 
foot to that effect. 

He, that is not blind, may easily perceive this, that it was not poisi- 
ble that his intelligence could be so universal in all things, as it was, 
and his designs so effectually carried on, in all places, as they were, 
without an exact insight of all circumstances, and a speedy and secret 
correspondency with all parts ; and that, to have such an insight in all 
things, and maintain such a correspondency with all parts, nothing is 
so fit as such a way of address, erected in all the chief cities of every 
province of a kingdom, is altogether undeniable: therefore it may be 
lawfully concluded, that by this means chiefly he was inabled both to 
contrive and execute all his undertakings. 

Hence also must be observed, that to have such an office, in one 
place, is not enough ; but that there should be one in every principal 
place of resort, where there is the greatest concurrence of men for mu- 
tual society and negotiation in every province, that all the commodities 
or conveniencies, which are offered or desired in any place, may be con- 
veyed or made known unto all places unto which they are by any 
means communicable. 

Now that such registers in those places, and chiefly in London, may 
be kept for all these, both private and publick advantages, nothing is 
wanting, but the countenance of authority, that the matter may be 
regularly and orderly carried on, because it is not enough to intend a 
good work, but the way of carrying it on must be good also ; therefore 
the business is to be ordered by those that are in place of supreme com- 
mand ; that as the motion doth aim at the publick good of all, by the 
benefit and profit of every one in particular; so all respect may be 
shewed towards those that are over the whole body, that nothing may 
seem to be attempted to their prejudice. As for that which remainc-th 
to be certified further in this business, it is not much; only this may 
be added, that these registers must be again and again subdivided, and 
especially that some must be kept secret, and some exposed to the 
common view of all. In the secret registers, the particularities of the 
memorials are to be kept; specifying things circumstantially, by the 
names and places of abode of them, that do offer or desire the same, 
with all the conditions, upon which they are offered and desired. And, 
in the open or common register, the same memorial is to be kept under 
a general intimation of the matter only ; with a reference unto the par- 
ticular and secret register, that such as shall see the general intimation, 
and shall desire the particular information thereof, may be accommo- 
dated therein by an extract thereof for their address, where to find their 
conveniency; and for this extract some small and very inconsiderable 
duty, as a penny, or, at the most, two-pence, may be paid. 

As for those that are to bring memorials unto the office, some patterns 
or forms are to be made, and shewed unto them hung up in the office, 
to teach such as are not acquainted with the way, how to draw up their 
memorandums, which they would bring in. Those then, that will 
make use of the office, shall be directed to come, with an exact me- 
morial, of that whereof they desire either to give or receive advice, and 
upon what conditions. When therefore they shall come with their me- 


jnorial, if they be poor, it shall be registered, or an extract shall be 
given them out of the register-book for nothing ; but, if they are not 
poor, the duty is to be paid for the registering, or for the extract, 
which may be taken out of a memorial ; and, when they have found 
the persons to whom the extract shall give them address, if the bargain, 
whereof the memorial doth give information, be concluded, or the 
effect of the memorial be otherwise made void; the register is to be dis- 
charged of it within twenty-four hours, and, for this discharge of the 
register, nothingshall be paid. Now the register should be discharged of 
the memorials which are made void, lest fruitless addresses be made to 
any concerning a matter already dispatched ; and, lest those, that have 
received satisfaction which they desired by their memorials, be troubled 
with new visitors which the office may send unto them, if this be not 

Lastly, By all that hath been said this is very evident, that this way 
of address will be the most useful and advantageous constitution for the 
supply of all men's wants, and the dispatch of all businesses, that can 
be thought upon, in this or any other commonwealth ; and that thig 
way may easily be set on foot is apparent from this, that to settle it 
nothing is wanting, but the designment of a place, in which the office 
should be kept, and an act of authority to be given to the sollicitor of 
publick designs, whereby he should be ordered to prosecute this mat- 
ter. This act, then, might run in such terms as these, or the like : 

"Seeing the provision for the poor, to supply their necessities, and 
give them and others address unto some employments, is not only a 
work of Christian charity, but of great usefulness to a well-ordered 
commonwealth: It is therefore ordered and ordained, by^ both Houses 
of parliament, that N. N. shall be a superintendent-general for the 
good of the poor of this kingdom, to find out and propose the ways of 
their relief, and give to them, and all others, such addresses as shall be 
most expedient to supply their wants, and to procure to every one their 
satisfaction, in the accommodation of all their commendable or lawful 
desires. To which effect, the said N. N. is authorised hereby to ap- 
point, first in London, and then in all other places of this kingdom, 
wheresoever he shall think it expedient, an office of encounter or ad- 
dress in such place or places, as by authority shall be designed to that 
use. In which places he shall have power to put under-officers, &c. 
who shall, according to his direction, be bound to keep books and 
registers, wherein it shall be free for every one to cause to be written 
and registered, by several and distinct chapters, every thing whereof 
address may be given concerning the said necessities and accommoda- 
tions; and likewise it shall be free for every one to come to the said 
offices, to receive addresses by extracts out of the registers, upon con- 
dition that the rich shall pay for such an extract, or the registering of a 
memorial, but two-pence, or three-pence at the most; and that the 
poor shall have this done on their behalf for nothing ; nor shall any be 
bound, or obliged to make use of this office, by giving, or taking out 
memorials, further than of their own accord they shall be willing." 


Proper and only wajr to 


Freedom, Peace, and Happiness : 


And the necessity, justice, and present seasonableness of breaking it in 
pieces, demonstrated, in eight most plain and true propositions, with 
their proofs. By the author of Anti-Normanism, and of the Plain 
English to the neglecters of it. 

Deo, Patrice, Tibi. 

Imprimatur Gilbert Mabbot. London, printed for R. L. Anno Dom. l@48. 
Quarto, containing sixteen pages. 


THOU hast here once more my endeavour for to draw this our nation 
from under the right, title, effects, and badges of the Norman (pre- 
tended) conquest over us, to which, by the iniquity of precedent 
times, and the ignorant negligence of the present, we remain still 
subject. Conquest, saith Dr. Hudson, in its best attire, is the most 
eminent of curses; but, sure, it is a curse far more eminent, to be so 
difficult to be persuaded to come out of that quality, especially, while 
undeniable justice, power, and opportunity add their invitations. If, 
what is here made manifest, .shall meet with due and timely regard, 
and produce effects according, we may happily recover that incom- 
parable freedom, honour, peace, and happiness, which we enjoyed 
under the glorious, and our last right English king, St. Edward ; but, 
if such cold consideration shall attend it, as seems to have befallen 
what hath been before sent abroad upon the same errand, I shall es- 
teem it great pity, and am much deceived, if either by our old, or some 
new conquerors, we be not taught with more than words, what be- 
longs to such as have not capacity to be either ingenuous subjects, or 
dutiful slaves. Vale. 


Proposition 1. 

That the right and title of a (pretended) conquest over the English na- 
tion, by foreigners called Normans, hath been heretofore set up, and 


is still upheld in this kingdom, and that all Englishmen, by the 
mouths of their parliaments and lawyers, have submitted and do still 
submit unto the same, and are governed in great part by Norman in- 
novations, being foreign laws and customs introduced by the said 
Normans in despight of the English people, for marks and monu- 
ments of the said conquest. 


THAT the right and title of such a conquest is still on foot, and 
stands for the basis of this kingdom, I suppose needs no proof. 
That it is accordingly still submitted to, I have proved in my Plain En- 
glish, page 3, 4, a sufficient part of which probation is this, viz. that, by 
the mouths abovesaid, we do acknowledge (how truly I shall shew in my 
fifth proposition) that the duke of Normandy absolutely purchased with 
his sword the crown of England and our allegiance, for otherwise he 
could not be as we name him our conqueror. Secondly, That accor- 
dingly we do submit to his heirs, placing him the said duke, specificated 
with his said title of conqueror, for the root and alpha of our rightful 
kings; so that it is plain that the said conquest doth enjoy both our ac- 
knowledgment and professed allegiance: That the Norman innovations 
are retained, to the almost exiling of our own proper laws, is every where 
both* legible and visible; That they were introduced in manner and for 
the purpose abovesaid, and accordingly resented and reluctated against 
by the English people, while they understood themselves and their pro- 
prieties, may appear by their many exclamations made against them 
unto the (pretended) conqueror, by the acts of the Kentish men, and 
by the Londoners petition in King Stephen's time, which also occa- 
sioned those many regal oaths to be then and still taken, though not yet 
performed, for retracting these innovations and restoring the laws of 
King Edward ; so far are the said innovations from being any part of 
our legitimate laws, though our wild lawyers so repute them, the pro- 
per birth or stamp whereof is to be of the people's choosing, as the coro- 
nation-oath testifies. And thus much for to shew that, while we dispute 
the duty of subjects, we profess the allegiance of captives; while we 
spurn at English proclamations, we submit to Norman laws ; and that, 
notwithstanding all our great victories and triumphs, we do still remain, 
as much as ever, under the title and in the quality of a conquered na- 
tion; unto which what reasons we have to induce us, I shall shew in 
my ensuing propositions. 

Proposition 2. 

That the said title of conquest and Norman innovations (while they 
continue in force in this kingdom) are destructive to the honour, free- 
dom, and all other unquestioned rights of this nation, and much more 
to the present legality and future validity of this parliament's pro- 

* See Daniel's Hist. p. 43. 



A GREAT, part of the injuriousness of this title, and innovations, to- 
wards our nation, I cannot better set forth than in the words of learned 
J"ortescue (cited by Mr. Prynne in his Sovereign Power, pajt 1. p. 37, 
38.) though himself a Norman and arguing only against unlimited pre- 
rogative 4n the crown, which is but part of what is inseparably wrapped 
up in the title of conquest, who having declared it to be the undoubted 
right of Englishmen to have this two-fold privilege, viz. To be under 
laws ,of their own choosing, and princes which themselves admit (in 
which two consists a great part of their honour and the sum of their 
freedom as I have shewed in my Plain English, p. 1.) adds, that of the 
benefit of this their right they should be utterly defrauded, if they should 
be under a King that might spoil them of their goods, as our first pre- 
tended conqueror did, and as the heirs of his title by the law of all con- 
quests still may, and yet should they be much more injured, if they 
should afterwards be governed by foreign and strange laws, and siich per- 
adventure as they deadly hated and abhorred, of which sort I have be- 
fore shewed these innovations to be. And most of all, if by those'laWs 
their substance should be diminished, as it is by many of these innova-' 
tions, particularly that of drawing the generality of law-suits to West- 
minster, for the safeguard whereof, as also of their honour and of their 
own bodies, they submitted themselves to his government ; thus and 
morehe; to which 1 may add, that this injuriousness were yet more aggra- 
vated, if our kings which were installed by our admission, and should 
thus patronise our honour, &c. should profess themselves to be of foreign 
blood, declare that they owe their right to the crown unto 'none but 
their sword, and write on our foreheads that we are their conquered and 
captive vassals, as our princes, while they retain the said title, do. In 
sum, the title and effects of this pretended conquest are a yoke of capti- 
vity, unto which while we continue our fond and needless submission, 
we renounce honour, freedom, and all absolute right to any thing but 
just shame and oppression, being thereby in the quality of professed cap- 
tive bondslaves, unto the heirs of the duke of Normandy, and wearing 
the open livery of that profession. And, though we enjoy a mitigation 
of our slavery by charters, yet are those charters revokable at the King's - 
pleasure, as * King Richard the Second well observed, while the king-- 
dom continues grounded on the conquest; which I have sufficiently 
proved, in the preface to Plain English, from the tenour of Magna Charta 
itself (which declares the said charter to be an act of mere grace: and 
favour, and grounded upon respoct not so much of duty as of merito- 
rious supererogation towards God, much less of duty, though benefit, to 
the nation) and from a f confession of parliament; and is also otherwise 
no less clearly evincible, for that it is a maxim, that all subjects of a 
conquest, especially while they profess themselves such, as we simply 
still do, are in the quality of tenants in villenage, subject and subser- 
vient, in their persons and estates, to the will, honour, and benefit of 
their conqueror and his heirs, according to the axiom in t Caesar (men- 

1 -, 

* See Mr. Prynne's S, P. fol. 59, b. t See M. Prynne's citation last mentioned. 

% In lib. i. de Bello GulUco. 


tioned in my Plain English, pag. 7-) Jus est belli ut hi qui vicisscnt his 
quos vicissent qucmadmodum vellent imperarent. That the conquered are, 
by the laws of war, under the arbitrary rule and government of their 
conquerors; and according to the practice in the Turkish dominions, 
which are not more grounded on conquest than we yield ours to be ; 
which captive and slavish quality, ho\v unseemly it is for Englishmen 
to continue in, especially towards a, Norman colony, and that, while 
they may with justice and facility come out of it, I have shewn in my 
Anti-Normanism : And as touching the consequent* illegality of this 
parliament's proceedings, until they either repeal this title, or else re- 
nounce the quality of Englishmen, if it seem not evident enough from 
the premisses, it may be seen in my Plain English, evinced and proved 
against all objections whatsoever; of which illegality, future invalidity 
is both the sister and daughter. 

Proposition 3. 

That the same are also derogatory to the King's right to the crown, to- 
his honour, and to his just interest in the people's affections. 


FOR it is confessed on all sides, particularly by Master Marshall and 
Master Prynne, the prolocutors of the parliamentarians, and by Dr. 
Hudson, the grand royalist, that the title of conquest is t unjust, as 
being gained by murderous rapine ; so that, while we ground the King's 
title on a conquest, we make him apredonical usurper, and defraud him 
of his just right, founded on St, Edward's legacy, joined with this na- 
tion's admission, besides his heirship to the English blood, as I have 
shewn in my Plain English, page the last, and in Anti-Norman, page 
19. And, as for his honour and just interest in the people's affections, 
they consist in his being pater patricE, as himself also lately intimated; 
but the title of the conquest holds him in the quality not only of a fo- 
reigner, but also of the capital enemy of his subjects, and so affords their 
minds more provocation unto hatred and revenge, than unto affection or 
allegiance, as I have plainly shewn in my preface to Plain English, and 
in Anti-Norm, pages 20, 21 ; and may be discerned from those suitable 
fruits of it, which I shall hereafter specify. Neither do the innovations 
(the effects and badges of the pretended conquest) want their share in 
the like effect, as being a just cause of the disrelishment and contempt 
of our laws, (so Normanised both in matter and form) by understanding 
men, and no doubt the ground of that general and inbred hatred which 
still dwells in our common people against both our laws and lawyers. 

Proposition 4. 

That the same have been the root and cause of all the civil wars (about 
temporal matters) that were ever in this kingdom betwixt King 

The example of the extorting of Magna Cliarta makes nothing to the contrary, for that was 
done (as Daniel's history testifies) by the nobility of those times, uuder the notion and quality of 
Normans and coheirs of the conquest, which quality, I suppose, our parliament will not, if they 
could, assume. 

t Likewise by our own laws, obligations extorted by duress, as L> fealty to conquest, a/e 



and people, and are likewise, for the time to come, destructive to all 
well-grounded, firm, and lasting unity, peace, and concord in this 
realm, and consequently to the strength of the same. 


THE narrative is evident from history, the rest from reason; for 
how can there be union in affection betwixt those that are professed 
strangers and enemies one to another, as this title and innovations, the 
ensigns of hostility, render our Kings and people? Moreover the said 
title, by reason of the unlimited prerogative inseparably appendent, is 
apt to suggest seeds of tyranny to the crown, as it hath continually done, 
and consequently of insurrections to the subject, to the disturbance of 
the publick peace ; which is confirmed by the said many civil wars we 
have had in this kingdom since these abuses were set on foot, whereas 
before we never had any ; and weakness must needs wait upon that 
body, where there is such a disunion and antipathy betwix the head and 


That the introduction of the said title and innovations was, and the re- 
taining of them is, contrary to the fundamental constitution of this 


fOR the Norman * duke was admitted as legatee of St. Edward, and 
upon his oath to preserve our laws and liberties, and not as a conqueror, 
nor yet for an innovator, as the most authentick historians testify ; among 
whom honest ^.milius Veronensis, an impartial stranger, writing of this 
matter, saith expressly, Non ipsi homines sed causa defuncti "ticta ex- 
tinctaqtie; That it TV as not the English nation, but the usurper Harold 
that was overcome, and as, in opposition to the innovations, I shall make 
more clear in the confirmation of my next proposition ; insomuch that 
the violent introduction of the said abuses was, and the pertinacious up- 
holding of them, is an usurpant, perjurious, and perfidious robbing us 
of the title and quality of a free nation. 

Proposition 6. 

That the retaining of the same is contrary to the coronation oath of all 
our Kings, and to the oaths and duties of parliament and people. 


FOR it is the first and chief part of the proper and solemn oath of all 
our Kings at their coronation, as it was the first Norman's like oath, 
either at his coronation, or at least, f before his full admission and con- 

Not any history or record saith that he claimed the crown, before he had it, as conqueror of 
England, much less that he was acknowledged for such by the English, or submitted to under 
that title ; therefore the assumption of that title afterwards was usurpatory. 

See my Anti-Norm, p. 16, Ijj. 

f See Mr. Prynne's citations of testimonirs to this purpose, io his S. P. p,51, 53, and my Anti- 

Norm. p. 15. 

M 2 


firmation by the English state, to preserve our laws and liberties estab- 
lished by St. Edward ; which are inconsistent with the said title and 
innovations: neither can any man say, that, because the oath binds 
also to the confirmation of other King's grants, therefore these innova- 
tions are included ; for grants imply a precedent asking, and how far 
these innovations were from ever being asked I have before shewn ; and 
moreover, the confirmation is especially limited to the jaws of King 
Edward, as being both the most desired and desirable, And, tor par- 
liament and people, they are bound both by their natural and official 
duties, and moreover by their late solemn covenant, unto the vindica- 
tion of their naturral rights and liberties, of which the said title arjd 
innovations are the greatest opposers, as I have before shewn. 

Proposition J. 

That, until this title and innovations are abolished, there can be no 
honour, freedom, or happiness to this nation ; that the inception of 
that enterprise is the most hopeful means for curing the present divi-r 
sions; and that there is no colourable objection against the perform- 
ing it, 


FOR, nntil the cause be taken away, the effect is not like to cease, 
J have before shewn how destructive these abuses are to our honour, 
rights, and unity ; while they remain, we are in the quality of captive 
slaves, and our kings in the semblance of foreign and usurping lords: 
and, as these evils were the cause of the first fracture, and consequent 
antipathy in this kingdom, betwixt crown and subject, so there can be 
no solid closure between them, until they are repealed. These being 
removed, the whole nation, both King and people, will be restored into 
the quality of one natural body, which, as*Fortescue hath aptly ob- 
served out of Aristotle, hath a set form of duty and affection constituted 
betwixt the head and members. And, as touching this work's expe- 
diency toward re-uniting divided Englishmen, it is evident; for, if the 
common honour and happiness of the nation be the scope of their de- 
signs, they have no other highway to their end, but this. Also it may 
be learned from the common practice of distracted states, whose usual 
emcdy is the assaulting of a common enemy; of which sort are these 
abuses, being a common usurpation, that hath, a more general, hostile, 
and mischievous malignity against our nation in it, than any other ad- 
versary we have at this day, save that it wants strength and formidable- 
ness, for that there is no man amongst us hath any colourable cause to 
defend it. Moreover, until this be redressed, all else, that is done, is 
but as building of castles in the air, that have no firm foundation, but 
may be blown down with the king's arbitrary breath, as I have before 
proved. And, if any object the trorublesomeness and difficulty of root- 
ing out the innovations, I answer : that that particular may be consum- 
mated at leisure; that we have taken more pains about things of lower 

See Mr. Prjnne's Citation of him, in his S. P. p. 38. 


concernment; and that the restoration of our rights ought not to seem 
unto us more (laborious, or difficult, than did to our enemies the intro- 
ducing of the contrary. 

Proposition 8. 

That all Englishmen, that are active in maintaining the said title and 
innovations, are the most flagitious traitors, both to their King and 
country, that ever were* 


IT is apparent from the premisses, it being also evident, that, in 
comparison of such, Strafford in his worst appearance was a good 
patriot; and, as for the defaults of former times in this particular, they 
are not now pretendible for excuse; for that now Heaven holds forth 
power and opportunity far more liberally than ever heretofore, or, 
perhaps, than hereafter, for asserting of truth, and establishing of 
righteousness, in this kingdom. 


Printed in the year 
Of the saints fear. 

Anno Domini, 1648. Quarto, containing twenty-four pages. 


That a competent number of these books be forthwith printed, for the 
service of the King and kingdom, and be dispersed through all coun- 
ties, cities, boroughs, and towns corporate, and all other market- 
towns whatsoever, within this realm of England, and dominion of 
Wales; and that all, who love their king and country, and hate re- 
bellion and treason, do forthwith make all provision and speed that 
may be, to rise, and take by force, or otherwise, all garisons they 
can, in all parts of the kingdom, and summon in the country to 
them, for the speedier suppression of these abominable malicious 
rebels and traitors, this prevailing party in the parliament houses, 
and their army, who, by wicked craft and subtlety, have undone 
three flourishing kingdoms already, and yet would again engage us 
in another war with our brethren ofScotland. It is also desired, 
that our brethren of the association would keep their men in the 
field, and, when Cromwell is gone for Wales, fall upon the other 
part of the army, remaining in the country near us, with all the 

M 3 


power of horse and foot they can make, and we will endeavour, in 
the city, to second them to the utmost of our power; now is the 
time for us to free ourselves from slavery, and put an end unto taxa- 
tions, we shall never have a settlement else. 

OYes, O yes, if any one can give me notice of four great ships, 
Jaden with money, lately at Gravesend, to be passed without 
search, by ordinance of parliament, and can help to take them, he 
shall be well paid for his pains, and have many thanks. 

O yes, O yes, if there be any more fools or knaves, that will go 
soul and body to the devil, for an heretical, perfidious piece of a par- 
liament, incendiaries, boutifeu's, Faux's of faction and sedition, with 
brazen faces, and seared consciences; having nothing but perjury and 
lyes in their mouths; falshoods, treasons, and mis-religions hi their 
hearts; daily murders, robberies, and oppressions in their actions; let 
them repair to the red-nosed rebel, thieftenant Oliver, or his black 
general Tom. 

Who helps to disthrone the king, to change monarchical government, 
to subvert tlie protestant religion, and laws of our land, to cry down 
presbytery and crown, the kinglings, the buffoons, the mountebanks of 

Who saves the lordly Lurdanes, after seven years misrule, undoing 
of the kingdom, imprisoning, and abusing of the King, and suffering 
Hainan to strike him, from taking leave of their allies at Tower-hill 
and Tyburn? 

O yes, who sacrifices the city and country another seven years to 
their insatiable avarice ? 

Who helps them to pill and poll them by their ravenous implements, 
the committees and their substitutes, for more money to send beyond 
sea ? 

O yes, who buys bishops, malignants lands ? Who buys Paul's stee- 
ple? Who buys the King's cast shoes and boots? Who buys his guards 
coats ? Who buys sun and moon? 

O yes, Who sends them thanks for their ordinance for forcing taxa- 
tions for their four last bills and declaration against the King? 

Who beats the boys from cats-pellet, and stool-ball ? Who fights 
with Poycr, with the Lord Inchequin, with Colonel Jones of Dublin, 
and our brethren of Scotland ? Who, and they shall have new snap- 
sacks in hand, blue bonnets, and capon tails, when the Scotch and 
Welch be conquered, promises enough for the present, and as much 
pay at last as those that have been turned off with nothing. 

In the beginning of this hell-spewed sessions, we had as large promises 
of happy accruements to this church and nation as subtle treason could 
in sly and specious language possibly suggest. We had them ushered 
in with a protestation in the first place; in which our religion, our 
laws, our King's honour, his parliaments privileges, our own liberties 
and properties were the common themes. We had them waited upon 
with an oath after, and a covenant, which nevertheless were only to be 
as the, passages at which Jephtha's soldiers tried the lisping Ephraimites 


in their Sibboleth : witness your answer of the twenty-sixth of May, 
1646', unto our city remonstrance, in the latter end of page 2. 

We had many pamphlets commended daily unto us, The Integrity 
of a Parliament, how that it could have no sinister end; as if a multi- 
tude could be void of knaves to contrive, and of fools to concur in mis- 
chief. Many plots were discovered daily against our religion and our 
laws, in which ye Machiavels of Westminster, ye Malevolo's might 
have claimed the chiefest livery, as Beelzebub's nearest attendants in 
that kind; but they must be fathered still upon our old justicers, and 
indeed they can do little, that cannot bely an enemy. Ye thought it 
best to cry whore first, that in them you might by little and little un- 
dermine our King and us; and sacrifice our religion, our laws, our 
goods, our lives and liberties, yea, our very souls too, for ye have 
silenced almost all our able guides, and daily burn their escripts, unto 
your own boundless lusts, ambition, pride, covetousness, and pleasure.' 
These were the originals, the springs of your after-acted villainies; not 
that candour and zeal so oftrn dissembled in your glossy declarations. 
It is now sufficiently manifest by your actions, the truest interpreters of 
men's intentions. How would you have us think you really intend 
as you pretended, when the courses you run conduce to the very con- 
trary ends? Whilst the King and his faithfuls retained their places of 
dominion, we enjoyed such golden days of peace and plenty, as we 
must never see again, so long as you harpycs, you sucking purse-leeches 
and your implements be our masters. 

Were we not enough damnified with your soldiers, during the time 
of the war, but you must still burden us with them, now it is ended? 
Did not taxations then light heavy enough upon us, but you must 
continue them still? How could you consume more than twenty mil- 
lions of money upon such slender armies in so few years? The soldiers 
have had little, else, save bread and cheese, which have come from the 
country, over and above those vast sums ; Oh ! your coffers are not 
yet full enough ; some of your monkey-brats are not yet provided for; 
but hye you hence, it is best, you urchins, you caterpillers of our 
commonwealth, to Nrw England and the Spaw, after our gold you 
have sent away, lest on a sudden we send you to Styx without a penny 
in your mouths to pay your passage to your God Pluto. Our brethren 
of Scotland, and the Lord Inchequin, will find you more work than 
the boys in Moorfields and the Strand : your goodly glosbings and rab- 
ble-serving collnsions have been but like watermen upon the Thames, 
looking one way and rowing another; and now you see your holy 
cause will not succeed by opposition, you come up, and would close, 
since money will not work upon our brethren ot Scotland, with our 
city in the presbyterian government, in the restitution of the militia and 
Tower : but for the protestant religion, and our old rubrick, you still 
wave them. 

I pray you let me ask your honesties a qnestion ? Could Say and 
his confederates have their nocturnal meetings so frequently, and not 
have some treasonable designs, which the rest of the houses and our- 
selves might not be privy to? We may see now the reason of your bill, 
to sit as long as you listed ; we trusted, such rare men were you in 



leading our faith and belief so in a string, the ground thereof had been 
the redressing of the many grievances of the kingdom, and transaction 
of the Irish affairs, as was pretended; but it proves otherwise ; that 
which, had you been honest, would have made this nation the happiest 
under Heaven, you have made the bane and ruin of all good people : 
you have demeaned yourselves meet, as an aged gentleman said of you, 
when he heard the King had signed you that bill: you would, said he, 
grow so ambitious that you would set all the kingdom on fire; and, 
when once you had got your fingers into its purse, you would become 
so insatiably covetous, that you would never seek the settlement of 
peace; whether this man guessed aright or no, let any one who hath 
his five senses judge. 

We likewise call to mind your other bill for his Majesty's referring 
the choice of his privy-council unto you, coloured by your outcries 
against those his old faithfuls, and your dishonest proceedings against 
them ; your framing scandalous petitions amongst yourselves, and 
sending them abroad for hands; a notable way to work upon exaspe- 
rated minds, and to exasperate minds to work upon against them ; but 
a way which may, destroy any innocent man. While the shepherd had 
his dogs, 'you wolves could not raven his flocks; but since you sup- 
planted them, what pranks you and your creatures, your substitutes 
have plaid, we have seen and felt; and you or they, or all of you, may 
one day answer for : we may say now, as no kingdom or state ever yet 
could, there is scarce one honest man in office amongst us ; but no 
marvel : we know the proverb, Like master, like men. 

Oh, but we wrong you, you are special patriots; it is you presby- 
terians may be no further trusted, you be the honesties, there is no nay, 
and take it as granted, though nothing more questioned, or so ques- 
tionable. We thought your exclusion of bishops out of the upper 
house, and bedaubing them with the goodly habiliments of Arminian- 
ism and popery, had been for some other end than that for which you, 
expelled the eleven members; to paucify the number of.those you con- 
ceived would countervote you, that you might easily do what you 
lusted, and lead the left shallowlings, nolens volens, in the trace of 
darkness; and that you might unquestioned, adhinnire, after fresh 
maidenheads, and neighbours beds. Ill courses cannot endure good 
discipline; for this very cause, had the prophets and fathers of old, 
nay, our blessed Saviour and his Apostles, lived here in England in 
these days, they had certainly been made new papists by this quintes- 
sence of villainy, this wicked piece of a parliament, and their hellish 
helpers. We thought your votes against pluralities had been for prb- 
motion x of the gospel, not division of the clergy, and to make the wise- 
akers, the look-like getse, the naughty part of them (that will be any 
thing for preferment, omnium Jiorarum homines) for you ; neither did 
we, till now of late, imagine your possessing yourselves of his Majesty's 
shipping and Cinque Ports (so finely shadowed with the remembrance 
of the late spoiled Spanish fleet, and your desires of the kingdom's 
safety) had beon the prologue to this treacherous tragedy you have since 
actedj much less ourselves should be the last scene thereof; yet herein 
we must needs acknowledge Heaven just in our punishment, for it ^Yas 


we, presbytorians, that inabled you to your impious illegal courses of 
slaughter, plunder, and sequestration, contrary to the known laws of 
this realm, yourselves know it very well, against the King and his ser- 
vants, who, 1 am now persuaded in my conscience, being farther dis- 
cerning than ourselves, aimed at nothing, but bringing you to the trial 
of the law for your treasons, that we might enjoy the benefit of the 
laws of our land, and the protestant religion, as it stood established by 
our law. God forgive'us our amisnesscs. 

I pray you, if a man might ask your high and mightinesses a ques- 
tion, what meant your displacing of the Earl of Essex, and your after 
poisoning him ; (for it is certain you did so, many of us know it, deny 
it as much as you will) and your putting of your scoundrel army, and 
their mechanick captains, under the command of Fairfax and Crom- 
well, two atheistical independents ? What meant your late force done 
upon our city, and the eleven members, your displacing and imprison- 
ing our lord mayor and aldermen? For it was you that went away to 
the army that set on them, though now you say. you knew nothing of 
the last plot. Had those that were cavalierish plaid us such tricks of 
leger-de-tnain, we would have cast in their teeth Whatnot? 

Hut you, our dear brethren, are men of another stamp, yet it is hard 
to say, whether barrel better herring. I hope you did it out of simpli- 
city, with a good, charitable, pure intent, to promote and set forward 
the holy cause. You would fain say something for yourselves, but I 
know not what : you meant well ; but the ape hath discovered himself 
to be so, by cracking of nuts. Thus doth malice, ambition, and indis- 
creet zeal, make many men lose their wits they know not where. In- 
deed, such tricks befit well your independent cause, not to be promoted, 
but by collusion ; but your transported saucy spirits may haply, in the 
end, be taught to be more submiss, and sparing in abusing them, from 
whom you had your power. You would fain come off with us now, 
but stay a little, good Mr. Mufties; you thought it easy to inslave us 
English, to strangle in the birth our classical projects, our consistorial 
practices, and conventual designs of zealous brethren in the land ; such 
illuminates you counted us; you sure thought our brains made of the 
pap of an apple, and our hearts of aspen-leaves: religion, which should 
be the rule, must be only a result of policy, a stalking-horse to catch 
fools, and be pretended only to serve Babylonian turns. But go you, 
serve Baal and Ashtaroth, if ye like it; we will no popular cantonings 
of dismembered scripture ; none of your missives prophetical determin- 
ations in their heretical conventicles; we will not build our salvation 
upon the facing impudence of such light skirts, such hellish impostors ; 
let the truth they teach, and your parliamentary proceeding, come to 
scanning, the Turkish Alcoran, and Cade's, and Ket's, and Piercy's, 
and Nevil's actions will be as warrantable, as suitable with the word 
of God, and law of this land. Though you have eclipsed the lamp of 
light, you must not think us as geese, which, when they are driven on 
by night, and a long staff held over them, will go without noise or 
reluctancy, holding down their heads : we, protestants, are not so 
crest-fallen, as that we shall go on, as you independents would dispose 
us; if your -gifted men, with their new learning, for old they have 


none, can teach us more than yet we know, or you, with your new 
policy, can contrive us better laws than those we have, we will yield, 
and thank them for such instructions, you for such legislations. I 
beseech you, will your wisdoms, or common sense, or understanding, 
or what you will call it, approve of nothing in our common-prayer 
book, that you present us with an inane nihil, a new Directory of a 
noddy synod, or find you so many deficiencies in monarchical govern- 
ment, that you should seek to introduce hn ochlocracy, a people sway ? 
You know the King can do no wrong, and we know, that by him we 
had redress, which very few could obtain from you or your officers, of 
wrongs, why then sought you to depose him, and to change the regal 
government? O, it was to crown yourselves, and undo us. But hear 
ye, sequitur superbus ultor a tergo Deus, if you believe there is one, 
pride will have a fall. Lo! even the very touching of the crown hath 
already crushed you> hath made the people every where forsake you, 
and all the wiles and flatteries in your bosoms will not regain them. 
Would you not give the Maker leave to dispose of his creature? Shall 
not he govern by what substitutes he pleases, but they must be sup- 
planted by you ? Behold, ye misborn elves of Lucifer, your impious 
actions; in this very thing ye join yourselves unto Apollyon, ye in- 
camp against God that made you, and know assuredly, that, though 
ye may escape punishment in this life, ye must die, and rise, and 
come to judgment ; but we hope our brethren of Scotland will shew 
you the suburbs of hell in this world. Our people see enough now 
your jugglings, and how you turn cat in the pan, and shift off things 
from yourselves to your army. Yet, while ye seemed to look and run 
two several ways, and now ye do so again, but, like Sampson's foxes, 
ye joined together in the tail. We observed, how that the army, when 
the kingdom murmured at the surprisal of the city, professed themselves 
your servants, and your carriage of those businesses, and that you, and 
the heads of your army, have since taken an oath, to live and die toge- 
ther; and that you shift off the imprisonment of our lord-mayor and 
aldermen from yourselves to Fairfax, and he to you again; but they 
must lie in prison howsoever, they must not be restored unto their 
places. I pray you, whose hands then will the militia and Tower be 
in, if they be restored, presbyterians or independents ? Take notice, 
my fellow citizens, of this slur; if we should assist them in another 
war, we should again be baffled and muffled by them. 

We remember that ordinance of yours, in or about August last, 
wherein you threaten imprisonment, plunder, and slaughter, by Fair- 
fax and his army, unto those that shall refuse to pay any of your ille- 
gal, and, nosv that the war is ended, unnecessary impositions, by way 
of excise, loan, mizes, weekly and monthly assessments ; though, to 
go after the rest of levies, the advancement of yourselves and imple- 
ments, and your brats, not publick service of the kingdom. I pray you, 
may I ask your knaveships (neither better nor worse, but even so) how 
stands that ordinance with our liberties and properties, the two wonted 
sons of your former declarations? And you have, the other week, stop- 
ped the payment of debentures, and pensions, to those that have lost 
their limbs and husbands in your service, to let us see which way our 


monies must go, and your soldiers what they shall have at last from 

We guess the reason of your sending away the King to the Isle of 
Wight; the people's hearts were too much hazarded, when he was near; 
yourselves, and your taxations, could not be long enough lived ; you 
feared petitions and impeachments, if he should get power to call you 
to his bar, and that your accounts should be reviewed : You have car- 
ried yourselves well in your places the while, have you not? Or..thought 
you to tutor him, with a bit and a bob, into observance of you, as men 
do apes? When you had him there, and mued up in a stinking new- 
built room, under seven locks, and made him his own scullion, when his 
fire wanted repair, and Haman bestowed some buffets on him, and all 
appearance of succour kept from him, you thought he would, for his 
enlargement, do any thing; but know you, we take notice what it was 
you would have had him done, and of these your subtle ways to bring 
it to pass; that, which you sollicited him for, was the signing of the 
four bills, which had been, if you could have forced it from him, the 
utter ruin of us all, and of our posterity after us ; you would have 
brought us into a worse condition than Turkish slaves; you would 
have had more power from the King to abuse ^now you have a rascal 
army in readiness to inforce) than himself, or any of his predecessors, 
had to use over this free-born nation. What Mordecai's would not have 
bowed to you? Or whoever should impeach you of evil, should have 
been straightway made more miserable than Job; the Sabasans, your 
committees, should fall upon his oxen, his cows, and sheep; yourseques- 
trators should fall upon his rents, and the Chaldeans should fall upon 
his camels ; your troops should fall upon his horses, and you yourselves 
would starve him in prison ; you would find some publick use for his 
private estate. We thank you heartily for your good projects; Are 
these they you have been these seven years in hatching? If the King 
had signed you those bills, how should any man make his will, and bar 
you from being his executors? But we hope God, in his due time, will 
release us, and pay you the wages of your wickeci ways; our King's suf- 
fering for us shall for the future teach us our duty better towards him : 
We know what offers of gracious acts he hath from time to time propo- 
sed ; but, because they were conducing to our good, not your ambition 
and avarice, therefore you refused them, and say they were not fit for 
you to receive. We think yet upon your late declaration against him,, 
when you had before-hand traduced him all over the countries, by your 
miscreant imps of the father of lyes, trooping independents, as guilty of 
his late father's death, and shut him up, not giving him leave to answer 
it, or so much as notice of it, but bidding Haman tell him you would 
try hfm for his life : This was an honest part in you, was it not? Yes, 
like as honest as your other dealings; you drew low upon the lees of 
malice, when you had nothing leftWt a recapitulation of former lyes 
and slanders; you shall have thanks for it, yes marry shall ye. Send 
again your petitions to Taunton-Deane, in Somersetshire, and Rumford, 
in Essex, or somewhere else, happily somebody may thank you now; 
Will you take my counsel, and thank one another : So shall you not go 
without thanks. You rake-shames, hot-burning coals be your portions. 


when you deal so basely and treacherously with your King; what jus- 
tice may yonr fellow subjects, a little while your slaves, look for from 
you? But what may men expect from impudence aud wickedness in the 
abstracts ; from men (do I say men) from devils, from things worse than 
devils, so often guilty of perjury, murder, robbery, oppression, and trea- 
son ? You cursed caitiffs, how suits this with the law of God or of the 
land, with your protestation and your covenant? You would seem to 
alledge many reasons for that declaration, but those, that moved you 
thereto, were much otherwise than those you lay down ; they were the 
final accomplishment of your first intended treasons, the extirpation of 
monarchical government, the coronation of yourselves, and our slavery ; 
which to bring about, now that you had lost yourselves in our opi- 
nions, you devised this recapitulation of your pristine forgeries, with 
which you had formerly befooled us all ; confiding, it would put out 
of our memories the late seals of your leger-de-main dealings, and re- 
print in us those jealousies and disaffections towards our gracious sove- 
reign, which in several they did before: But stay, since he chuseth ra- 
ther to endure your disconsolate prison, than pass you such bills as may 
be ours and our children's ruin ; you must (rake you hell for lyes, and 
skum the devils) never more look again to divide our hearts from him ; 
you have discovered yourselves too far, to regain any interest in our af- 
fections ; we would enjoy our religion and our laws, which we must not 
look to do, until we get you to the block and gallows. When we look- 
ed for a settlement of our King and kingdom, lo ! you false your words, 
and break covenant with our brethren of Scotland ; you provide arms 
and snap-snacks, and prepare for more wars. Never were rakehells, 
buffoons, rebels, vermin, so desperately set to undo their own native 
soil, and church in which they were baptized ; but we know the reason, 
ye live too well, ye fare too full, ye can have your feasts, each day, of 
all the dainty cates our city-cookery can devise; ye grow too fat in bag 
and body, by fishing in troubled waters, to desire peace ; neither regard 
ye the empty purses, and hungry bellies, that ye have made in the city, 
especially since your lurching it out of the presbyterians command. 
Ye may see if ye would, but ye will not, multitudes of thousands, who 
formerly had trading and work enough for subsistence, now sit hunger- 
starved in chimney-corners, without employment to get them bread. 
Ye know, that, since ye took the Tower and militia from us, and sent 
away our King, the city hath had no trading, and yet ye send not for him 
home; but ye can send for your taxations, as if our trade were good : 
Ye have made this famous city of London not only poor, but the very 
scorn and mock of all the world, by your force done upon it in Au- 
gust; and, as if ye had not then enough wronged our honour, ye must, 
the other day, triumph and lord it through our streets with a handful 
of your scummy army; and, in derision, as ye passed along, bid us go 
buy more swords for our apprentices. Had ye not meddled in the bu- 
siness, but made use of us, we could have ruled them without slaughter, 
and would ; but, so ye may peer it, ye weigh not our dishonour, nor 
their blood. 

I may seem a new Britannicus for thus phrasing you, but it was ever 
held lawful to call a spade a spade ; it is good to uncase such imps. 


that they may be known what they be; it is good to discover 
such panthers, lest, when you have allured more with the sweet scent, 
and party-colouredness of skin (1 mean your calumnies against our 
friends, and your sugared declarations) you, as these beasts, prey upon 
them with bloody tallons, as already you have done upon us. St. Paul 
gave not Elymas any gentle terras, nor did St. Peter speak butter and 
honey to Simon Magus; our Saviour himself, that man of meekness, 
called Herod a fox, and Judas a devil, when they deserved it. Since 
ye aim not at peace, but make it your whole endeavour, your special 
study, day and night, by all kind of iniquity, to keep faction and sedi- 
tion on foot, and maintain opposition, even where it needs not, ye are 
to be curried in your kind, and rubbed as ye deserve ; not to be smooth- 
ed or sleeked over, lest ye please yourselves too well in your impiety, 
and our oppression never have redress. Ye talked much in the begin- 
ning of your sessions, that ye would open obstructions of law, not stop 
the course of justice and equity; but hear a little your own falshood, 
and go chew the cud, as when ye receive letters from Scotland. 

Give us leave to let our neighbours understand the suits late in chan- 
cery, betwixt one Wilkes, and one Dutton, of the neighbourhood of Nant- 
wich in Cheshire, and two knaves, providers of your independent faction 
there, one Becket, and one Gellicorse: the business was thus: Wilkes 
and Dutton, good honest presbyterians, had much cattle and cheese 
taken from them in the time of the war, by Becket s.nd Gellicorse, 
without any order from the council of war there ; and the goods not 
converted to the use of the publick, as was pretended, but embezzled 
by the two providers; now, since that the courts were opened, Wilkes 
and Dutton repair to the chancery, for relief, the exchequer at Chester 
being not as then open, or not daring to meddle with any of yours, for 
fear of a snub; and Becket, for himself and Gellicorse, hasteth to Sir 
William Brereton, goodly Sir William Brereton, who forthwith makes 
relation of the matter unto you, his brethren, of the two houses; and 
you (all of you apprehensive enough, of what might betide yourselves, 
and your honest committees, as well as the providers, if such suits had 
audience, presently dispatch a private ordinance unto all the courts, 
then open in the kingdom, commanding that no lawyer should plead, 
nor judge determine in any such cause ; whereupon, the plaintiffs were 
sent home with double Joss, cast thus unjustly in charges, and many 
threats for desiring justice; and their sollicitor forced to fly the court 
for looking after the business. Was this honest dealing? Was this, an 
opening or obstructing of law? Tell now, and call yourselves knaves, 
ye are brave men to steer a state, are ye not? The city and kingdom 
both have known enough of such like seizures; but we shall straight 
find a way to strip /Esop's magpy out of her plundered plumes. 

You made out many ordinances, that your under officers should not 
wrong the publick, by vertue of any act, order, or ordinance of pailia- 
ment, or without warrant ; by taxing, levying, collecting, or receiving; 
by seizing, selling, disbursing, or disposing any monies, goods, debts, 
rents, or profits of friends or others, or by setting or letting to farm 
delinquents lands and tythes. But you never held them to the obser- 
vation of such your rules, nor punish any frauds or misdemeanors in 


any such kind, though justice were required, but would send away the 
plaintiff's, as you would have done the Warwickshire gentry, had they 
not been so many, and so earnest, as that you feared the revolt of that 
country, with threats bedaubing them with the notions of malignancy, 
and desires to divide you amongst themselves : For whereas there was a 
great subsidy granted about November, 1(542, for the then present affairs 
of this kingdom, and of Ireland ; the one moiety of the said subsidy paid, 
at least in most places, by the several counties, to commissioners, ac- 
cording as the same act appointed * nevertheless, there have since war- 
rants issued forth, which are kept .safe to be produced, if time once 
serve, for such accusations, signed with the proprr hands of some of your 
members, amongst the other your committees, for the re-collecting of 
the said money paid before, and much more by colour of the said act: 
And whereas you made an ordinance, bearing date, October the six- 
teenth, 1644, for the supply of the British army in Ireland, ordering a 
weekly pay, to last for the space of a year, and the one moiety of the 
assessment to be in corn, at least in many places so, the other in mo- 
ney; the same ordinance was not put in execution, I could tell you 
where, according to the tenor thereof: But about July, Ifj45, warrants 
Were sent out by some of your members, then in the countries and 
councils of war, for the raising of divers great sums of money, amount- 
ing to more than twice as much, as was limited by the said ordinance; 
and immediately, upon the former collections, new warrants sent abroad, 
for vast sums to be paid weekly, without any orders from you, and yet 
you neither can find any law for your taxations ; and in default of pay- 
ment, our goods and chattels by violence, as well to the person, as 
goods of the party, have been distrained, detained, and sold without 
speedy payment, according to the collectors demands, with a command 
to the high-sheriff, delegated by him to the under-sheriff, not to grant 
any replevin for our goods and chattels so violently taken away, contra- 
ry to the liberty of the subject, and the known laws and customs of this 

You talked of calling for accounts, and seemed to do so ; but we are 
certain, that the revenues of delinquents estates would have defrayed 
all, or the greatest part of the charge of the war, without any so great 
burthens to the country, as have been laid upon it, had they been faith- 
fully and really disposed of, to the best advantage, and benefit of the 
publick ; but you have all made up your accounts honestly, it must 
needs be so; and indeed where one thief must account before another, 
who thinks any great discoveries will be made ? But let me tell you, 
and I will tell you truly, how accounts were made; you nominated 
committees for examination, men as much in fault as the accountants, 
who put their hands to all reckonings, as they were presented, without 
looking, if they were just and straight, or no ; met thus you tried ac- 
counts ; who may think that those broken fortuned and beggarly 
knaves, of which sort of people, for the most part, your officers con- 
sisted, would compass such estates, as they have done in so short a 
time, and bring in just and true accounts ? I trow not man : Nay, your 
own accounts, if they were examined, as they should be, would prove 
no juster than the others ; else, how come you by all that 


money, you have, from time to time, seut beyond sea ? We remember, 
how vehemently you startled and exclaimed, when some of our cily 
would have had an account of th proposition-plate. 

You made an ordinance, that your sequestrators, and their under of- 
ficers, the collectors and prizers, should occupy no sequt-stered farms ; 
but the most of them did hold very good demesns of two or three-hun- 
dred per annum, and paid not a penny rent to the use of the publick 
for them, neither wanted they thi-irpay from other levies. 

You likewise made an ordinance, that they should sell malignahts 
goods, at the best rate, for the advantage of the publick ; but they have 
been suffered to take what they pleased to themselves, and the rest they 
have sold to their favourites, many times, for less than half so much, as 
others would have given for them. 

You made an ordinance, that they should take no bribes, and yet 
neither they, nor you, would ever do any courtesy, or act of distribu- 
tive justice, without a bribe. 

There were (in many cities and towns taken in) booties seized, worth 
better than two-hundred thousand pounds, in money and plate, and 
jewels, and houshold furniture ; 1 could tell you where ; and yet your 
committees, your appraisers, and men that sold them, have not been 
ashamed to say, they made but thirteen-thousand pounds of such vast 
booties, though it hath been publickly known they have had above nine- 
teen-thousand pounds, in money and plate, out of one house, and fifteen 
thousand pounds-worth of one man's goods out of another. But truly, 
how they should put things to the best, I cannot see, running the way 
they did ; for they would first proclaim a day of sale, to fetch in the 
country chapmen, and, when they were come, put the day off again, to 
weary them out of the towns with expence ; and the non-lighting offi- 
cers would take the best and most of the prey unto themselves, besides 
selling Robin Hood's pennyworths for bribes : This was the deportment of 
many of them. Ye should have summoned in the country, and the ca- 
valiers, to have shewed what money, and goods, and provision was 
fetched from them from time to time, and by whom, and have compared 
their notes with your accountants; ye should have examined the mus- 
ters of your men, and so ye might have found out receipts, and guessed 
whatdisbursements might have been ; and this would soon have been 
done by many officers, and many divisions of the counties ; and who, 
but such as are altogether void of honesty and shame, would carry 
themselves thus unrighteously, or bear with it ? These things ye could 
not chuse but know (for those of you, that were abroad in the wars, 
were eye-witnesses of the same) and yet ye never minded to redress 

After this manner have you ever looked to the publick welfare, and 
no otherwise : Besides, it was Usual for your independent faction 
(though no fighters) at taking of towns, to get orders from committees 
(by scraping legs and crouching) for cavaliers houses, and then take 
goods and all for their own use, without payment of a penny for them 
to the publick. This is not unknown to many; and, as if you would 
leave no tricks unpractised, by which you might beguile and abuse the 
country, yedevised another trick to get more of their monies j your com- 


mittecs must lend you, but what? The monies they have gathered from 
the country by loans and mizes, and the country must pay eight per 
cent, interest tor loan of the same. Thus do ye daily only consult how 
to delude and abuse the country ; thus do ye continue your sitting for 
no other end, but that ye may suck up the fat of the kingdom ; but yc 
shall see, now it hath found your knavery, it. will shortly turn you over 
another leaf; it hath provided a trap to catch your foxes; Ye cried out 
upon the King for heavy taxes, which nevertheless, by your own com- 
putation, amounted but to seven-hundred thousand pounds per annum 
m the whole, throughout the city and kingdom ; which was no great 
sum to build and maintain so many ships and soldiers, as his Majesty 
then had for the defence of his kingdoms; and ye quarrelled at the man- 
ner of his levying such monies, forsooth, because there was no statute- 
law for the same ; as if the pater patiice might not, where the letter of 
the law falls too short, make use of his own and his council's discretion 
for his people's preservation. Oh ! but, had he made you the collec- 
tors, that you might have licked your fingers, as ye have done since yc 
put yourselves into offices, all had been well enough ; but, for the mass 
of money levied, if your proposition money, your fifths and twentieth 
parts, your continual loans and mizes, and your other innumerable tax- 
ations,~your sequestrations of goods and lands, your plunder and pil- 
lage, your soldiers free-quarter, and provisions for your stores were, or 
could be cast up, they would be found valuable to buy twenty times 
seven-hundred thousand pounds per annum. Thus haveyourgood state 
physicians medicined your diseases; yet we cannot deny you to be cun- 
ning doctors, ye have kept our purses so long in physick. And I pray 
you, had ye any precedent in the law to imprison men unconvicted of 
vice, and make them ransom themselves with great sums of money, as 
ye did (when ye sent the propositions through the country) those that re- 
fused to furnish you according to your demand? I trow not. Ye know 
it is a breach of the law, and an infringement of the Magna Charta, both 
which ye forsworu wretches swore to maintain. Ye accuse the King of 
neglecting Ireland, and Jo ! since the war was ended here, what care 
have ye taken to relieve it? Ye have sent sometimes handfuls of men 
over, to be cut off as soon as they came there; ye might as good have 
hanged them here, before they had gone, as sent them thither by such in- 
considerable companies. This is the great care yc take of those planta- 
tions, and of this people of England. O, but now you will mend in that 
point ; ye arc beating drums all over the countries for soldiers for Ire- 
land, but the truth is, it is to recruit your army here; ye mean to send 
them into the west to fight (you will tell them, when they come there) 
with Irish rebels newly landed; ye have not men enough to spare hence ; 
and, ' If we should (says Cromwell) draw our army offthiscity,it would 
follow us in the rear, and, being but such a handful, as we now are, they 
would cut us all off.' We are in a pitiful case now ; to stay or go we 
know not; stay, and the Scots and the Lord Inchiquin come in upon 
us; go, and the city follows us. I smell a rat; the blazing comets are 
going out with a filthy stink; an ordinance of parliament to pass four 
great ships without search, laden with money, and now at Gravesend, 
or newly put to sea. Nay, but your soldiers a raising are for Ireland ; 


ye have a while ago made an ordinance for the levying of twcnty-thou 
sand founds per month for their maintenance; so ye made out before 
in August, 1644, fbr the promotion of that service, but the cavaliers 
took sixty-thousand pounds of (hat money at Leicester: Dublin ye had 
not then: I pray you, was that the way to Cork and Rinsale, or Yough- 
all? Ye blame'the cavaliers of Cheshire for stopping some clothes bound" 
for Ireland, and yet the apparel, given by those of the city for those sol- 
diers use, was all (which was worth any thing) sold to the brokers 
in Long-lane ; only a few rags, that would not make money here, were 
sent away. A man might here go far enough to put you out pf your 
own practice ; who, if we had not so much honesty, as to forbear ca- 
lumniating your enemies, should have had so much discretion, as not to 
accuse another of that which, had ye had that good sign of a bad cause 
in vou, blushing, might ashame you, being by recrimination retorted 
upon yourselves. We have heard much of your outcries against the 
whore of Babylon, and your charging, with much bitterness and vehe- 
mency, of her vices upon the see of Rome, and its disciples, whose foot- 
steps ye trace in your seditious courses ; but, if ye would look a little 
into the signification of the word, and into yourselves and your pro- 
ceedings ; what towers of Babel ye are erecting; what imaginations, 
what anarchy and confusion ye are setting up; what missionaries ye send 
abroad to broach all sorts of damned heresies,those locusts of the bottomless 
pit,yourgifted men, as ye call them ; your suppression of godly and learn- 
ed divines and their writings; and your countenancing and licensing any 
thing that savours of the Stygian lake, ye would find something reflect- 
ing upon yourselves. The word Babel signifies confusion ; and that, 
which is chiefly observable of a whore, is her prostitution of herself to 
all, her wiles, by which she inticeth her lovers, and wherewith inticed 
she retains them to her: Now, whether ye have not prostituted your- 
selves unto all, let England judge. In the beginning ye sollicited, by 
five or six several letters, Sir Arthur Aston, a known papist, before his 
Majesty entertained him; and yet you cried out against the King for ac- 
cepting his service. Ye sent five-hundred Jews (enemies unto the Chris- 
tian faith) in your army to Newberry ; there were an hundred of them 
slain upon the ground, known by the mark of circumsision ; ye have 
pleased, and run on with the rude multitude, the frothy scum of the 
people, in their worst and wickedest humours. Yc have suffered them 
to deface the earthly beauty of God's earthly houses ; to rend and tear 
in pieces our common-prayer-book, and the priest's surplice, a badge of 
innocency ; to pull down crosses, the proper cognisance, by which the 
world might know to what master this kingdom did belong ; and now 
at last ye invite men to deny the master too. Ye countenance atheists 
and hereticks, and frown on them that desire to quell them ; nay, ye fight 
with them, and kill them. Ye have continually, during the whole time 
of the war (and since too, now ye might better have restrained them) 
suffered every rapscallion, that bore arms amongst you, to abuse and 
trample on, as he pleased, the freeholders of the country ; to lord it over 
them ; to beat and command them and their houses, where they quar- 
tered, or passed by. /logues, that before mended pots and kettles, or 
begged with butter-milk canns about the country, must now call for rost, 
VOL. vr. x 


and beat all the house, if it be not to be had : neither, when such 
grievances were made known unto you, did ye curb or check the sao- 
ciness of your soldiers herein, but rather deride the plaintiffs. How 
stood, think ye, such abusiugs with the freedoms of the English far- 
mers, and with the national covenant and protestation? And, as a whore 
hath ever her sleights, by which she inveigles her lovers, so have ye had 
yours: as the Venetian courtesans, at their first coming to the city to 
serve their duke, send out a crier through the streets, to proclaim their 
beauties, and the price thereof; so ye, in the beginning of your ses- 
tions, sent abroad your declarations in the specious notions of liberty, 
property, and privilege; and the price, some proposition-money, or 
some place; and, even as whores, when they have drawn in silly shal- 
lowlings, will ever find some trick to retain them, till they have brought 
them to a morsel of bread, especially if they doubt their starting; so 
have you still drawn our apprehensions off your perfidious actions, and 
kept our brains busied and deluded with your diurnals and your ordi- 
nances, which you have ever studied for, and set forth to this very end, 
not that which you express in the front of them, the satisfaction and 
right information of the kingdom. When you had discovered your clo- 
ven feet in August, and saw the people's grumblings, you thought an 
-ordinance for making up accounts would be a piece of satisfaction for 
the present; and you knew the vulgar's brains retain not long the phan- 
tasms of things : but what performance was of that, I have before in 
some part, as I could, shewed. 

You have moved rumours likewise oftentimes, and tell us again so 
every day, of sending for the King, and settling the kingdom, only to 
keep the people in suspence; and, by vain hopes of you, to retard our 
endeavours for our own relief: by that you may still, by disarming 
towns, get more power to continue your tyranny, now growing towards 
an end. For you never intend it, you are such notorious abominable 
traitors, you have so much abused his Majesty, his late royal mother, 
and his royal spouse, his children, and us his people, that you dare 
not do it. How often, of late, have we heard, that Hampton-court 
hath been making ready, and that Cromwell hath been gone to fetch 
him this day, and that, and the other; and it nothings. 

Your diurnals buzzed us in the ears with much good news of many 
victories (lest we should hfive set from Dan to Bethel towards the 
temple) even the first year of the war, when our armies went to wreck 
every where; and we had soon found it, had not our brethren of Scot- 
land come in to our assistance; yet you send them, you say, to pre- 
vent mis-information: but when they began to, speak against you (as 
after your taking away the militia of this city of London, a thing I 
never heard nor read before, that any parliament had to do withal) 
they must be silenced till the people's thoughts were drawn aside. We 
have been often flattf-red in the country with easement of our taxes 
and free quarter, if we would pay one small weekly payment, and 
quarter but a little longer ; and, lo! presently you have sent (I am sure 
to many places of the kingdom) for whole multitudes of vast sums, one 
in the neck of another, that we have almost nothing left. Thus have 
you, in your consultations, even from the beginning of your sessions,. 


even unto this very day, devised nothing but how to delude and beggar 
us all, and how to keep war on foot; else why accepted you not those 
many fair offers of a gracious King, but still, as you got more power, 
incroached both upon him and us? Why send you not for him home, 
but still delay us ? It is not far to him. We will study a way hence- 
furth to ease ourselves of such magistrates, such sheep-clad wolves. It is 
not your going back to the/ articles presented at Hampton-Court shall 
now make your atonement with us: you never took a way yet to make 
him a glorious King, or to reform, but deform religion; or to settle us 
under our ancient laws, or in our native liberties. Had you power, we 
know your minds ; we give you no thanks for your pretending to settle 
presbytery, since you wanted power to hinder it ; nor for your late 
ordinance against hcreticks. Put on your considering caps somewhat 
closer to your cocks-combs, aud see now if you can re-ingratiate your- 
selves with our city : see if it will thank you to transfer its militia and 
Tower (out of these in whose they now be) into other Independents 
hands, and yet you did not that till very now : see if you can engage 
your brethren in the city, and us in a new war, and we shall observe 
who be ready in the same: see if you can or dare force us presbyte- 
rians, or our apprentices, to accompany you, and they shall carry 
away your weapons, and join with our friends your enemies. You must 
no more look to force or mugle men with the name of a parliament, 
being but a prevailing party, and fill your coffers by deceit: we will 
believe you no further; nor Fairfax, though he goes again to hear the 
lord primate preach at the temple, or proclaim for King, or King and 
parliament. Carry you the King captived along with you which way 
ever you go ; as strictly as you have watched him, he hath given the 
prince power to contract for him; we are got before-hand with you iu 
that : counterfeit his seal, and make what proclamations you will here- 
after in his name, none will believe you. We have been told the ends 
of your laying open Rochester: but, if our brethren of the association 
cannot get into a readiness to stop your passage, the power of three 
kingdoms shall shortly follow you. 

We heard of your late designs against our city, before we took 
notice of them, and we hear your intentions are to proceed, and 
to draw up both horse and foot to atchieve the same. I saw some 
of their leaders here the other day, and their men not far off; it 
is not denying and seeming to over-run your said designs, that shall 
make us negligent of our own safety: if ye knew not thereof, why do 
ye (to obstruct discoveries) refer the examination to men accused , viz f 
Ireton? How can you daub over this? Or why (if you set not oh Fair- 
fax in August last against our city) did ye go from the houses to him ? 
And why did ye not since vote him a traitor, as ye did the Lord Inchi- 
quin? my brethren, look over diurnals, and ye shall see him ever acting 
in relation to the houses. Our brethren of Essex came but peaceably 
with a petition, and this prevailing party derides them gone, calling 
them Essex calves; but, thanks to fate, yet delays, that, if they can 
quiet them a while, they may after make, them the spoil of the Indepen- 
dent army they declare against. Look to it, gentlemen, disperse o{ 
yourselves till yc see it disbanded, and the King settled. 

x 2 


Ye must ever have some cloke for your knavery. When your lat 
design against our city grew ripe, your mayor (a. very horse and a trai- 
tor to our city, as many others of the common-council and captains 
are) must quarrel with the boys at their recreations, that ye might get 
another colour to draw your army again upon the city, and do that 
which then ye durst not, get down our chains, that, when the time of 
your necessity came, ye might disarm us, command our purses, and 
force us and our servants, against our consciences, though now again 
ye are forced to pull in your horns : and bring ye up your country sol- 
diers, as we bear ye have, we shall make you aking hearts e're ye ob- 
tain your wills. Ye are loth to leave us, but, since we know your 
good-will, we shall look to you as we can : we trust our brethren of the 
association will be ready to assist us. We have heard now of your pri- 
vate compliance with Irish natives, and your letters lately taken at sea, 
^herein ye promise liberty of conscience, and many immunities, if 
they will let you alone. 

Thu 3 have I given you a little sight of the Babylonian Bel-like idol, 
a brazen parliament, and of the collusion and veracity of the idol 
attendants, this prevailing party of both houses, who have so long 
deluded you with devices, and, like Bel's priests, wasted upon them- 
selves and theirs, those vast contributions and levies which should have, 
been expended on the publick service; and do desire, now time is like 
to serve for it, ye would endeavour your own freedom from the yoke of 
tkese men. 

God save the King and kingdom. 



with state matters in their sermons : 
to interpose in the 

pru 1 byR. L .forR.W. , 6 4 9 . Quarto, containing thirty pages. 


which so lately had been guilty of preaching the King to death, I 
have recommitted it to the press, as a good monitor, both in cor- 
rection and instruction, to the preachers of God's word, that they 
may not prostitute their function or office, either for or against a 
court; and to the hearers, that they may not applaud, nor be de- 
ceived by those, whose sermons, instead of teaching them the way of 
godliness, are calculated to find out the high way to preferment for 
their teachers, who have changed their characters, by leaving the 
service of God, and becoming the servants of tha state. 

SIR, , 

YOU have desired to know of me the reasons why I make it a scru- 
ple of conscience, to do as others on all sides have done hitherto, 
tiz. to intermeddle with matters of state in ray sermons? I shall briefly 
let you know the grounds of my scruple concerning this matter, and, 
leaving them to your conscionable consideration, suggest some impar- 
tial thoughts, which, perhaps, may ease you of the scruples, which 
you have on the other hand; for which, you think it either unlawful 
for you, or unexpedicnt for your flock, to leave intermeddling in those 

Let us first agree what we meati by matters of state. 

As for myself, I conceive, state-matters to be all manner of counsels, 
designs, endeavours, and actings, which are undertaken or prosecuted, 
by those that manage with power, or authority, publick affairs; relat- 
ing to the outward possessions, rights, freedoms, privileges, preroga- 
tives, and persons of men, as they are members of an outward common- 
wealth, or worldly kingdom. Concerning which matters, I think it 
not at all lawful for me to interpose my judgment in the pulpit, or to 
intermeddle towards the people, farther than the apostle hath com- 
manded, Rom. xiii. 1, 8. and 1 Tim. ii. 2. and Tit. iii. 1. And the 
reasons, why 1 conceive it not lawful so to do, are these: 

First, I know no law, either of God or man, obliging me to meddle 
with such matters, by interposing my judgment concerning them in the 
pulpit: and if no law either expresly commanding, or by a good in- 
ference warranting this intermeddling, can be shewed, I understand not 
how it can be counted lawful for any so to do. 

Secondly, 1 find a law both of God and man, forbidding me to judge 
of matters, which belong not unto me, or which particularly concern, 
other men. 

The law of God in this: ' Be not busy in other men's affairs, 1 Pet. iv. 
15. And what have I to do to judge them that are without? 1 Cor. v. 
12. And who artthou that judgost another man's servant? to his own 
master he standeth or falleth, Rom. xiv. 4. And judge not, that ye be 
not judged,' Matt. vii. I. Now, when I reflect upon myself, in refer- 
ence unto those laws, my conscience doth tell me, that I am not called 
to manage the affairs of state, but that they belong to other men; and, 
therefore, that I ought not lo be busy in them, and trouble my head 
about them. And, if I judge the magistrate's employment (as a civil 
magistrate) to be without the church, I have scarce so much: sure 1 
am, no more right than the apostle Paul had to judge of them. Now 

M 3 


he tells us, that he had nothing to do to judge them, but that the 
judgment of those, that are without the church, God hath reserved 
unto himself, 1 Cor. v. 13. therefore it doth not appertain to me to 
meddle with them. But if, as a Christian magistrate, I take him to be 
within the church; yet his employment, quatenus*^a magistrate, is 
not mine, nor is he therein my servant, but Christ's; and then the 
other rule doth take place, Who art thou that judgest another man's 
servant? Now the magistrate is undoubtedly God's servant, Rom. xiii. 
4.. therefore I must let him stand or fall to his own master, in matters of 
outward government, which God hath intrusted him, and not me, 
withal. And, in case I do look upon him as a brother, and his actions 
or designs as the affairs of a private man, then still the former rules do 
hold; and Christ doth forbid me to judge him in publick, or to lay his 
faults open to any, till I have dealt with in private, and, by degrees, 
brought him to the judicature of those, who are his competent judges, 
Matt, xviii. 15, &c. It is not lawful, therefore, for me, in my private 
way, to condemn him, whether I look upon him as a brother, or not; 
and far less is it lawful to judge him in publick, and make myself an 
informer against him towards the multitude, who are not his compe- 
tent judges. 

Moreover, the law of God in the fifth commandment is, ' Honour thy 
father and mother, that thy days may be long in the land, which the 
Lord thy God givcth thee :' all divines have understood this, as well of 
the respect due unto the civil magistrate, as to natural parents. Now, 
to take upon us to judge and censure their actions, or to blast and 
blame their t proceedings in publick, before the multitude, directly or 
indirectly, is manifestly to dishonour them; and, if this is unlawful in 
a son to deal so with parents, it is also unlawful in a subject to deal so 
with his magistrates. 

As for the laws of men' in this matter, I shall not need to mention 
any : for, it is evident in all nations, that to controul the actions of the 
civil magistrate, and to traduce him in his proceedings, is a crime 
punishable in subjects, by those that have power, and are in authority 
over them, with death, imprisonment, fines, or banishment, according 
to the nature of the fact, and as the supreme authority doth judge fit. 

Thirdly, the nature of the gospel, whereunto I am appointed a minis- 

Christ, is inconsistent with the care of those things wherewith I 

must intermeddle, if I should take upon me to judge of them. For the 

gospel is the testimony of Jesus, to reveal him to the world, and to in- 

11 men from the cares and lusts of the world, to enter into his 

kingdom and rest ; which is a kingdom of truth, and not of this 

rid, John xvm. 36, 37. whereof the kingdoms are but lyes and rest- 
If then I account myself appointed to this employment by 

mst, to mind the mysteries of his truth, and that wisdom which is of 
-or. 11. 7, 8. which none of the princes of this world know, or, 

jrmces ot th,s world, care for : I ought not to apply myself to inter- 

meddle in their; and, ,f I ought not to do this, I conceive, it is 

t lawful 4 or me to judge of their affairs in publick, either to com- 

A., or, 


mend or condemn them in the pulpit. For Christ being intreated, 
Luke xii. 13, to employ his authority, to cause one brother to divide 
the inheritance with the other, did refuse to do it, upon this ground, 
because God had not appointed him a judge, or a divider over men in 
temporal matters. The disciple is not above the master; and, if the 
master had no right to meddle in small matters, between man and man, 
what right have I to meddle in the greatest, between state and state, or 
rulers and subjects? When Christ called one of his disciples to him, 
and he desired leave, first, to go and bury his father, Christ bid him, 
let the dead bury their dead ; but go thou, (saith he) and preach the 
kingdom of God, Matt, viii, 21, 22. and Luke ix. 00. If then those,, 
that are called to prt-ach the kingdom of God, ought to free their 
minds from the cares, which, through natural affection, and a kind of 
civil duty, so nearly concern themselves and their kindred, how much 
more ought they to be disinterested in matters of state, which at all do 
not concern them ? 

The cares of a quite contrary nature cannot be at once rightly en- 
tertained in the same mind ; they are like two opposite masters, whom 
none can serve at the same time acceptably, nor at different times 
faithfully; therefore, he that will be Christ's servant, and a faithful 
soldier in his warfare, must not be intangled in the affairs of this life, 
othrr\\ ise he will not be able to please him, who hath chosen him to be 
a soldier, 2 Tira. ii. 4. Now all the affairs of state concern only this 
life, and nothing else directly and principally. 

Fourthly, The intermeddling with state-matters in sermons is con- 
trary to the rule of preaching, and to the true aim, which ought to btc 
maintained in the performance of that duty. 

The rule of preaching is, If any man speak, let him speak as the 
oracles of God, 1 Pet. iv. 11. We ar<? warranted to speak nothing (if 
we speak in God's name) but that which is undeniably his word. No- 
thing can beget faith, and build up the soul unto godliness, but the 
truth of God ; if we speak other matters, which the wisdom of earthly 
men, or our own imaginations, or passions, dictate, we profane the 
ordinance of God, and destroy the faith of the hearers. What is the 
chaff to the wheat? saith the Lord, by the prophet Jeremiah, Jer. 
xxiii. 28. Our own words and dreams, about temporal concernments, 
are loss worth than chaff, and the faith of professors cannot stand in 
the wisdom of men, but in the power of God. And because Jesus 
Christ is the wisdom of God, and the power of God, therefore, in our 
preaching, we should determine to know nothing amongst our hearers, 
but Jesus Christ and him crucified, I Cor. ii. 5. 

The aim, to be maintained in preaching, is to persuade God only, 
and not men ; and not to please men, or become their servants, but 
God's alone, Gal. i. 10. for he, that intendeth to please men, is no 
more the servant of Christ, 1 Cor. ii. 2. 'Now, when men set them- 
selves to speak of state-matters in the pulpit, their aim is, either to 
please the magistrates, by commending them to the people, or to shew 
their dislike against their proceedings, by reproving the same, which 
doth tend to make the people displeased with their magistrates. Now, 
whether the design be the one, or the other, it is altogether unworthy 

v 4 


of the minister of the gospel ; and a man cannot possibly mention the 
afiuirs of state in publick, but it must be either way, and, therefore, 
he ought neither way to do it. 

And, whatsoever a man's aim may be in meddling thus with state- 
matters', as he doth no service to God in it, so he perverts the minds of 
the hearers, from the integrity and simplicity of the gospel, to reflect 
upon, and affect, with reference to worldly wisdom, the ways of a 
party: for all state-matters are continually carried by some plots in the 
hands of one party or other; and whosoever doth meddle with them, 
either to commend or discommend the proceedings, must be the servant 
of a party, and so forsakes the spiritual liberty, and impartiality, 
wherein they ought to stand, and vvhereunto he ought to bring the 
minds of his hearers, that they may be willing to serve all men in love, 
for their spiritual edification, without prejudice, for Christ's sake. The 
interests of states-men, and matters, change according to circumstances, 
by which those, that manage publick affairs, find their advantages. If 
the minister of the gospel will oblige himself to meddle with these mat- 
ters, he will be constrained either to say and unsay the same things, if 
he follow state-principles, (which is to discredit the truth of the gospel) 
for, when men are swayed with carnal considerations, they must needs 
make the same thing in their preaching, yea, yea, and nay, nay, (as 
we have found many do of late) or, if he will be inflexible, and not 
change his note with the times, he will be engaged into occasions of 
strife and controversies with others, for worldly matters, as often as 
they change, which, how inconvenient it is for a minister of the gospel 
to do, and how prejudicial it is unto his profession, I leave you to 

The scandals, which arc given against the gospel to those that are 
discerning, and perceive men's drifts in preaching for interests, are 
.very heinous and hurtful to the truth, and to the ministry thereof, to 
discredit it: for, by this means, natural men* become atheists, for 
thereupon they count all religion nothing else hut acloke of hypocrisy. 
These practices stagger the weak also, who are led with blind zeal to 
be engaged into factions against their brethren, and to maintain divi- 
sions, which overthrow the church's peace and unity; and thereby 
subtle statesmen take advantages to lay snares before unwary ministers, 
who have more zeal than prudence, to entrap them, and make use of 
them for their own ends,; and then, when they have made them their 
hacknies, and served their turns out of them, they turn them away 
with neglect and contempt at the journey's end, because they deserve no 

Now, I, knowing these things to be the natural consequents of mi- 
histers intermeddling with state-matters, cannot think it lawful for me 
to come within the reach of these snares, and therefore must avoid the 
occasions thereof, and am willing to warn you of the same, whereof 
we see many examples before our eyes. 

These are the chief beads of reasons, which have made me abstain 
from that way of preaching, which some have followed ;' and, as I 

Vta. Swh as seek not God through Jesus Christ. 


Conceive, these grounds, which justify my wayj to be unanswerable, 
So I never could find any solidity in those pretences, which are alledged 
for the contrary practice. 

For that which is pretended from Ezech. iii. 17, 22, and xxxiii. 7, 
that ministers are made watchmen, to give warning to the wicked, to 
warn them from their wicked way, and to the righteous also, that they 
turn not from their righteousness, is not otherwise to be understood, but 
in clear cases, wherein God's commandment is manifestly transgressed, 
and to be directed immediately towards the persons themselves, who are 
transgressors, to make them sensible of the guilt and danger under 
which they stand. But, in doubtful cases, wherein there is no clear 
word from God's mouth, wherein the magistrate's actions may be mis- 
interpreted ; wherein he pretends to walk by a just rule'; wherein his 
secret aim and intention, by a jealousy of state, is rather condemned 
than his fact; and wherein he is not expresly dealt withal himself to 
convict his conscience concerning the iniquity of his proceedings to 
rectify it, but is cried out upon before others, and censured before the 
multitude, who are not his competent judges (which is the practice of 
those that in the pulpits have meddled, and do meddle with state-mat- 
ters) I say, in such cases, and in such a way of proceeding, no colour 
can be taken from the watch-office of Ezekiel to warrant it* for, look 
upon the charge which he doth receive, and the way how he is to dis- 
charge itj and you will see that your practice is nothing like it. The 
charge is, that the watchman should hear the word at God's mouth, 
and give the house of Israel warning from God, ver. 17. This imports 
an express commandment, and a clear transgresison of the command- 
ment in those that are to be warned, and a peculiar mission from God 
to give the warning. The way, how this warning is to be given to the 
wicked and the righteous, is by a particular address which the watch- 
man was to make, as from God, unto themselves immediately. If the 
ministers, that meddle with state-matters, will observe these rules, fat 
be it from me to condemn them ; but, if their arguing against the pro- 
ceedings of those that are in places of authority hath nothing in it ap- 
proaching unto this way, then I must be dispensed with from following 
it, and I think it my duty to discover the irregularity of it, by testi- 
fying against it. If men will make themselves, through state jealousies, 
and evil surmises, against those that manage publick affairs, watchmen 
over their rulers, when they are divided among themselves for slate 
interests, for the advantage of one party to blast and discredit another t 
and then pretend that they discharge the watch-office, which is com- 
mitted unto them, I shall leave them to answer it to the chief shepherd 
of the flock; for it becometh not me to judge another man's servants, 
farther than by putting them in mind of the commands of their Master^ 
which are undeniably his known will. 

But from the contemplation of the watchman's office over the souls of 
the flock, and their obligation to give account thereof unto 
God, there is an objection and doubt, which may be raised, thus : " But 
what if I see my flock like to be led away (by the example of those that 
are in authority, or the instigation of those that have power) unto wicked 
and unjust courses, \vhih are destructive to the true religion and the 


M fety of the state ; shall I not warn them of the danger in this case >" 
[answer yes- you are bound to forewarn them of the danger, which 
YOU think they are like to fall into, if the thing be evident, and clearly 
a transgression of God's will ; I say, you are bound to forewarn, as well 
those that, by their authority and power, lead others out of the way, as 
those that are led by them. Thus, in cases of idolatry and oppression, 
the prophets did address themselves directly to the rulers of the people; 
they shewed them the undoubted commandment of God, and their un- 
deniable practice opposite unto it; and, in a case, which evidently doth 
pervert the truth of religion, and endanger the safety of the state, the 
fact itself, and the unrighteousness thereof, is to be laid open before all, 
from the word of God, and all are to be warned of the dangerous con- 
cquences thereof; which may be done in tkesi, leaving the hypothesis 
and particular application to every man's judgment, to discharge his 
conscience towards God therein. But now we have seen men, that ac- 
cuse those, whom they would discredit before the multitude, not to 
meddle with the matter in thesi, but with the hypothesis of their own 
coining, upon conjectural appearances, charging faults suspiciously, and 
by way of insinuation, where, upon a strict examination, none were to 
be found. . He, that insists upon the hypothesis of a matter, to charge 
somebody with the guilt thereof, doth evidently shew, that his aim is 
not so much to rectify the fault, as to make him odious, whom he char- 
geth with it; but he, thathandleth the thesis of a matter, doth not aim 
to instruct and warn all men of their duty, that they may look to their 
ways. The court chaplains did flatter and court the King and the 
bishops, in their sermons heretofore, with reproaches and aspersions, 
which they did cast upon the puritans, to make them odious, rather that 
they might be persecuted, than reformed; and, since these troubles, it 
cannot be denied, but the popular preachers have paid them home in 
their own way, by courting the humours of the multitude, to incense 
them against the King and his prelates, that they also might be rather 
persecuted, than reformed : All which, on both sides, hath wrought 
nothing else but animosities and confusions, which have brought these 
distresses upon the nation, and mainly obstructed the ways of true re- 
formation. But, if the watchmen on both sides* had handled matters 
in tkesi, and dealt with those who were to be warned, to draw them 
from the error of their ways by the means of God's counsel rather than 
for human designs, we might have been preserved from the dangers, into 
which they have helped to bring us. 

There is another pretence taken, to colour this practice, from the 
commandments which the apostle doth give to Timothy and Titus : 
rhem, that sin, rebuke before all, 1 Tim. v. 20. Be instant in season, 
out of season, reprove, rebuke, exhort, &c. 2 Tim. iv. 2. and, Rebuke 
them sharply, &c. Titus i. 13. and such like. 

But I conceive, that all these directions are given to pastors, only in refc- 
e to those that arc immediately under their pastoral charge, in cleaV 

ses, wherein they are to deal with the parties themselves immediately; 
: IB, therefore, a great mistake to apply them unto other persons, 

The preachers for and against the court. 


are not under their pastoral charge, and in cases which are myste- 
ries of state, and not obvious to the cognisance of every one, and which 
are handled, not before the parties themselves, but before others, who 
are not capable to judge thereof, as the common multitude is. If we 
look to that which Christ did, in this way of reproof, towards the 
scribes and pharisecs, Mat. xxiii. we shall see, how these reproofs ought 
to be managed. P'irst, It may be observed, that Christ came not to this 
sharpness wijh them till towards the latter end of his ministry, after that 
he had, in all probability, dealt oft-times with them in a milder 
way, to make them sensible of their duty; for it is said of him, that he 
did not break the bruised reed, nor quench the smoking flax; that he did 
not strive, nor cause his voice to be heard in the streets, Mat. xii. 19, 20. 
Whence we must conclude, that he never, at first, di-alt with any man. 
sharply, but gently always; but, when he found these scribes and pha^ 
risees incorrigible, then, lest the people might he seduced by their 
practices, he doth give them a necessary warning, to preserve them from 
being perverted by the example of their leaders, and reproves the open 
faults of their leaders, in clear cases, convincingly before them. Se- 
condly, he doth give it in such a way which is without all exception ; 
for he doth not intend to discredit them in their places, or blast their 
authority towards the people, but establisheth it, C9mmanding the peo- 
ple to hearken to them, as they sit in Moses's seat, vers. 2, 3. Then he 
reproves them, not behind their backs, to the people, but to their faces, 
in the presence of the people. And lastly, he insists upon particular 
matters of fact, which were undeniable; wherein he not only discovers 
their hypocrisy, to convince them of it, but shews them the duty which 
ought to be done, and warns them of the judgment, which is to come 
upon them, if they neglect it. Now, if the ministers, that meddle with 
state-affairs in the pulpit, would observe this way and method, their 
practice would be free from all exceptions ; for, if they can deal with 
those that manage publick affairs, to rectify that which they find oppo- 
site to Christianity, and amiss in them, first, by way of counsel in pri- 
vate ; and if, afterward, finding that private admonitions profit not, but 
that they persevere in a course of state-hypocrisy, to endanger the salva- 
tien of others, whom they may seduce, by their example, from the sin- 
cerity of the holy profession : If (I say) in such a case, without preju- 
dice to their just authority, they can deal roundly and openly with 
them, to convince them of the perversencss of their way, and to reclaim 
them from the errors thereof, this would not only be warrantable, but 
commendable. But, how far this is intended by any, I leave to you 
to judge, and to the conscience of those that handle state-matters in 
their sermons, to determine between God and themselves. 

As for that which some say, that men must not be lukewarm neutra- 
lists, but zealous in the cause of God, and for the publick good, I an- 
swer, It is so: But we must also take heed, that \ve mistake not the 
cause of God, and that we make not our own partial aims, and private 
interests, that which we call God's cause. Let God's cause be stated, at 
it relates to the gospel of Christ ; let it be handled in thesi et antithesi, as 
it reflects upon the conscience of all men, by the manifestation of the 
truth ; and let no personal reproaches, insinuations, reflexions, and par- 


ticular worldly matters, to asperse any body, be mixed with it; and let 
it be held forth with all spiritual fervency from the word, and so let it 
be recommended to God's blessing upon the hearts of the hearers ; but 
let us not call our own contrivements God's cause, nor human passions, 
raised upon jealousies or discontents, zcaL Do we not see evidently, 
that no party doth count any thing a publick good, but that which is 
for its own way ? And that all its zeal and strength is spent, not so much 
to build up, to settle, or advance any righteous constitution in common, 
as to set up itself over the adverse party, and to cast down every thing 
which is not for its own interest? This is evidently all the zeal of these 
times, viz. to strive for power over others, and then to act by meer will, 
according to power, against all that are found, or suspected to be op* 
posites. And, if not to be active in this way of partiality, or puffed up 
for the interest of one against another, to have the rule, be counted to be 
a lukewarm neutralist, I shall confess myself to be one of these ; and 
yet, I hope, I shall never be found a neutralist before God in his cause, nor 
lukewarm towards the way of truth and peace, which is without par- 
tiality and without hypocrisy. 

But above all this there is yet one scruple more, which doth stick 
with you, which is, the tenor of the national covenant; whereby you 
conceive you are solemnly obliged before God to advance the publick 
ways of reformation, mentioned therein, as well towards the church, as 
towards the state. Now you say (and say well) that, in case the tenor 
of it be made void, to bring a guilt upon the nation, that you are bound 
in conscience to free yourself from that guilt, and, as a minister of God, 
to warn others of that danger ; and, consequently, to meddle with state- 
Tnatters, so far as this comes to. 

To this I say, that, if you do this, as a minister of the gospel ought to 
do, and not as a minister of state-affairs, you do that which is your duty. 
It is far from me to desire you, or any man, to be slack in observing your 
vows, and performing your oath untoGod ; 1 shall rather, as bound in the 
same promise, strengthen your heart and hands in it; and to that effect, I 
shall tell you, how I find myselfcngaged in the covenant. I took the cove- 
uant,asobliging myself untoGod to perform the tenor thereof, and not unto 
men. I took it to prosecute the lawful ways of advancing religion and 
righteousness, and reformation and peace, in church and commonwealth; 
and not to become serviceable to any one party against another. And, 
lastly, I took it to advance these aims in this place, with a special refe- 
rence and subordination to the main rules and fundamental aims of my 
profession in Christianity, and not otherways ; and, lest those, who desi- 
red me to join with them in prosecuting the tenor of the covenant, might 
eem to impose their sense upon me in taking it, or might, in time, to 
come, pretend to have me obliged, as it were, by implicitlaith, to follow 

ir courses in observing it; 1 sent unto them, before I took it, my 

;nse of the articles thereof in writing, containing a declaration of the 

way, which I thought myself bound to follow, in keeping the same; 

ich you shall sec, whenever you please* ;and according to this engage- 
lent, although all men should neglect and disannul the covenant, yet 

This immediately follows, bjr the title of, The Vow which J. D. hath made, &c. 


by me it never shall be forsaken, by God's grace, but maintained and fol- 
lowed, so long as I shall have abilities so to do. 

If, then, I should answer your scruple concerning your engagement, 
upon this account of meddling with state-matters, in case the covenant 
should be made void, I must refer you to the words of the covenant 
itself, to let you see how far it doth oblige you to follow this way. The 
first, third, fifth, 'and sixth articles do limit your endeavours to your 
power, place, calling, vocation, and interest: If I conceive, then, my 
proper place, calling, vocation, and interest to be, in the pulpit, none 
other but to speak the oracles of God, and to meddle with nothing else 
directly, but with the knowledge of Jesus Christ and him crucified, as 
in the covenant of grace he is offered unto us, by repentance and faith 
in his name ; and to mention nothing indirectly, but what is evidently 
opposite unto the tenor of some profitable truth belonging unto that 
matter. If (I say) this is so, then I may soon determine the bounds of 
my intermeddling, how far they should reach, and where to stop ; for I 
am bound by my own promise not to meddle, further than a servant of 
Christ in the gospel ought to do; so that I should make myself a trans- 
gressor of the covenant, if I should interpose my judgrm-nt, in the pulpit, 
further than either makes to lead my hearers unto Christ, and to the ob- 
servation of the covenant of grace, which the father hath made with us 
in him ; or otherwise than is suitable to the rules of edification towards 
all, without offence and partiality towards any. If then I should step 
beyond this line, and take upon me, through some insight into state-de- 
signs, to play the statist towards the people, to sway their inclinations to 
some earthly byass, for certain ends, which Christ hath not bid me pro- 
secute in his husbandry, I know not how I should be able to answer it 
unto my own conscience in his presence: For my spirit would tell me, 
that to play the huckster with the truth, to corrupt the word of God, 
and not to handle it in sincerity and as of God, is not the part of a 
faithful servant of Christ; therefore, as I would not have any to judge 
of me, I shall never take upon me to judge of any man's secret intentions 
in handling the word, and mixing heterogeneal matters of publick con- 
cernment with his sermon. Every one shall answer to his own master 
that which he hath done; and the day, which burneth as fire, and is 
near at hand, shall try his work, whether it be of combustible matter, or 
not. I have enough to do to look to my own feet, to walk in an even 
path ; and I desire that all my brethren, who are engaged in the cove- 
nant, may be careful to examine their own hearts and ways, according 
to the rules heretofore mentioned. And, if they consider conscicnably 
the property of their calling and place, and find that, to discharge their 
duty in it, they must tell statesmen their duty, in private or in publick, 
as well as others, and that with some reference to publick matters of 
state, let them do it in God's name freely, but let the manner of doing 
it be such as becometh the gospel of Christ, and the stewards of the mys- 
teries of God ; that is, let all be done in love, let nothing be offered with- 
out a clear discovery of God's will from the word. And, when worldly 
circumstances and matters of fact are mentioned, let no passion, no envy, 
no vain-glory appear, nor any thing be done with a murmuring and dis- 
puting affection; but let the spirit of meekness and compassion govern 


the whole carriage of the business, towards the restoring of those that 
arc overtaken in a fault, rather than to shame them, or give others any 
occasion to insult over them. With these cautions, if the covenant doth 
bring any special engagement upon any man's conscience to take notice 
of state-matters, further than otherwise is incident to the ministerial 
function in an ordinary way, I suppose he may walk safely towards 
God, and without offence towards men, in matters of greatest scrupu- 

But for a further clearing of scruples, which may be incident in this 
kind, I shall put a case, which, in evil times before the witnesses be 
killed, faithful ministers, in their warfare against the beast, may, and 
will be put unto. I/et us then suppose, that it shall be made a crime 
worthy of death, to speak against any human constitutions, which au- 
thority shall set up in God's worship, altho' never so contrary to the ex- 
press word of God. as in the bishops times some were made offenders for 
a word, and a pretence, taken from any small thing, which seemed to 
contradict authority, was enough to out a man from his place whom 
they called a popular preacher ; not so much because, the thing deser- 
ved outing, but because any occasion would serve to silence a powerful 
and faithful minister. In such a case, the question is, how far a con- 
scionable minister is bound to appear in opposition to the sanctions of 
authority ? 

To this I shall answer, first, that, in such a case, where God's word 
is clearly opposite to the sanction of man in matters of his own worship, 
no man may with a good conscience be indifferent, connive, or seem to 
give way unto the establishment thereof willingly, for this would be a 
lukcwarmness in God's service. 

Secondly, No man cat) give an exact rule to another, what, on such 
occasions, as may fall out in reference to his flock, or against his adver- 
saries, he should do, to quit himself, and not betray the truth, or the 
souls of his flock, unto the power of seduction, because circumstances 
are infinite; therefore men are to study general rules, and must in parti- 
culars be left unto the directions of God's spirit, who doth oftentimes 
call forth his servants to the battle upon smaller occasions, to fight as 
effectually as upon greater ones ; and, in some men, the human impru- 
dencies of their spiritual zeal may be as useful, in God's way of ordering 
the same, as the greatest prudence of others. 

Thirdly, Altho' a faithful minister may neither connive nor shew any 

compliance with that which he knows to be clearly opposite to the will 

God, but must be zealously affected and bent to stand out against it, 

ie sphere of his calling; yet he is not obliged, either at all times to 

:t himself openly against it; or to appear in such a way of contradic- 

n unto it, which may give the adversaries of the gospel some advan- 

cs, which they lie in wait to take against him, from the manner of - 

s opposition or contradiction. Therefore it is lawful at all times, and 

ich cases very expedient, to use prudence, and by some spiritual 

atagems to defeat the enemies of their advantages ; which may be 

sometimes by declining a direct and open 'contradiction of that 

ich is the act of authority ; and by using another way of opposing the 

rue, which may be as effectual, and yet not liable to any exception. 


For there, are two ways of handling all matters of doctrine and practice, 
the one is positive, the other negative. The negative is to refute and con- 
tradict that which another doth assert or practise, condemning it as an 
error or a fault. The positive is to confirm and declare our own opi- 
nion as a truth; and, if this be done effectually, in a matter wherein our 
assertion doth by a clear consequence make void the error, or over- 
throw the practise of our adversary, it is no less profitable to bear wit- 
ness to the truth, than a direct reproving of vice by an express condem- 
nation ttiereof. By this method then, a faithful minister may prudently 
decline a snare laid to entrap him, if he should presume to be so stout, as 
to contradict that which is expresly established ; and yet may zealous- 
ly and effectually discharge his conscience, and preserve his flock from 
error, by a positive delivery of the truth, which, being entertained from 
God's word, will be liable to no exception, and yet destroy the error, 
and discover the fault of those that abuse their authority in all men's 
minds, and altho' the consequence be not expresly made, or the thing 
to be condemned once named. 

Tnas then, in matters of state, which authority may perhaps set on 
foot directly, in opposition to the kingdom of Christ, to make men 
guilty, lhat shall openly contradict it, zealous men may decline an, 
open contradiction ; and, by asserting strongly that matter of religion or 
worship, which is opposite in its nature to that matter of state, which 
authority would settle, quit their conscience fully ; and, without na- 
ming the thing, which may not be professedly condemned, yet overthrow 
it in all men's minds. He that did assert strongly from the word of God, 
that the Lord's day is to be kept holy to God in spiritual duties, to enter 
into his rest, and mind him alone without any other thoughts; and that 
all professors are bound in conscience to intend this, as they desire to 
partake of his holiness, and that the neglect of this duty is a forfeiture 
of that holiness, which God in his covenant, by the ordinance of that 
day doth offer to us: He, I say, that did strongly make out this, to be a 
truth which cannot be controuled, did fully condemn and refute the 
Book of Sports on the Lord's day, which was set up by authority*, al- 
though he never did once name it ; and so, in all other cases, something 
may be done of like nature, when adversaries lie in wait to find occa- 
sions of making men offenders, if they dare seem to be directly opposites 
to that which b,ears the name of authority. Also the thesis of a matter 
.may be so fully handled, that the hypothesis need not to be once named, 
but all men will be able to make the application thereof by themselves. 
The defensive postures in fencing are easier and safer than the offensive; 
and he that is well skilled therein, that his adversary, by assaulting him, 
gain nothing else but weariness to himself, and the spending his strength 
in vain, will, in the end, have an easy conquest of him. And, to cure 
diseases there are two ways, either by the strengthening of the vital spi- 
rits in the natural constitution of every one, or by the purging out of 
evil humours; if nature can be so well fortified by cordials or fomenta- 
tions, as to cast out that which is noxious by itself, it is far better and 
safer than to use purgations, which always bring some trouble, and 

* Of King Jarnc* I. and afterwards by King Cbarle* I. 


weaken the spirits for a time. Thus it is also with the best of reproofs 
and censures upon the minds of natural men. V erbum sapienti satis 
est The Lord direct us wisely to walk in the light, and, by the power 
of it to dispel the power of darkness, that we may shine without blame 
in the midst of a crooked and perverse generation. Let us pray for the 
spirit of promise, which will direct us in all truth, and the God of truth 
and peace be with you : In him I shall rest 

Your assured friend in Christ, 

J. D. 

The -cow -which J. D hath made, and the covenant which he doth enter into 
with God, in reference to the national covenant of the kingdoms. Sent to 
London from the Hague, the 21st of December, 1643. 

THE tie of my conscience to the profession of the gospel, whereby I 
am made a subject of Jesus Christ, the King of Kings, partaker of the 
privileges of the kingdom of heaven, and a free citizen of the spiritual 
Jerusalem, doth bind me to bear witness unto the truth, to join myself 
unto the professors thereof, and to subscribe my name unto the Lord, to 
serve under his banner, for the preservation and enlargement of his 
church, till he receive all the heathen for his inheritance, and the utter- 
most parts of the earth for his possession. Therefore, according to the 
nature of the ministerial function, wherein God hath set me, and the 
vows which I have formerly made, to express my faithfulness towards 
him, and my blameless dealing free from partiality towards all men, and 
chiefly towards those of thehoushold of faith: I conceive myself obliged 
to answer the call which is given me, whereby I am required to contrU 
bute help towards the publick edification of the church, whereof I am 
a member. 

I declare then in the presence of Almighty God, who shall judge the 
quick and the dead, at the day of his glorious appearing, that I have no 
euds in this undertaking, but these: 

First, To satisfy my conscience in the duties which I owe to Christ in 
his kingdom among all, and chiefly evangelical Christians, and more 
particularly amongst those of my national church. 

Secondly, To shew my fidelity unto my lawful sovereign, to the king- 
doms, and to the peace of both in the profession of the gospel. And, 

Thirdly, To endeavour the edification of all my evangelical brethren 
at home and abroad, who are distressed for want of mutual love, and 
peaceable affections, and distracted by reason of uncharitable jealousies, 
passionate injuries, and injurious mistakes. Therefore my aim, in this 
enterprise, is, and shall be, without all mixture of human respects, to 
procure, so far as God shall enable me in the way of my spiritual call- 
ing, a remedy to these evils ; and, to this effect, having renewed my co- 
enant with Almighty God, and the vows by which I am solemnly obli- 
ged to the rules of my profession ; I have answcrably to the same lifted 
up my hand to hejwen, and sworn to the most high God, as followcth- 


First, That in the ministry of the new covenant of everlasting life 
and peace,which God hath graciously erected with mankind in Jesus- 
Christ, and, according to the analogy of Christian faith, clearly taught, 
and the rules of Christian duties, expresly commanded in holy scrip- 
ture; and, by the undoubted principles of sincere dealing, manifestly 
revealed in the conscience of every one, and useful for edification, and 
avoiding of offence in the communion of saints: I shall sincerely, 
really, and constant!} 7 , through the grace of God, endeavour to pre- 
serve every where, but more especially in the church of Scotland, and 
to advance towards perfection, in the church of England and Ireland, 
the reformed religion, in the free and publick profession and practice of 
the doctrine, worship, discipline, and government thereof, according 
to the word of God, and the example of the best reformed churches; 
and shall, by the means aforesaid, furthermore endeavour, as I shall 
find opportunity, to bring the churches of God in the three kingdoms 
to the nearest conjunction and uniformity that may be evangelically 
obtained in religion, confession of faith, form of church-government, 
directory for worship and catechisings, that they, and their posterity, 
may as brethren, live in unity of the spirit, through the bond of peace, 
in faith, and love amongst themselves, and correspond amiably with 
foreign protestants, that the God of peace, love, and unity, may delight 
to dwell in the midst of them. 

That, by the means Aforesaid, I shall in like manner, without 
worldly respects, and respecting of persons, endeavour the rooting out 
of all plants, which the heavenly Father hath not planted, and more 
particularly that I shall labour to extirpate all human usurped power 
over the church of God, and the consciences of men, tending to lead 
them in a lordly, tyrannical way to depend upon the will of man, by a 
blind credulity, and forced obedience in matters of faith, and religious 
practice, whether it be called now popery or prelacy, by the titles of 
archbishops, bishops, their courts, chancellors, commissaries, deans, 
and chapters, archdeacons, and such like ecclesiastical officers depend- 
ing upon that hierarchy, or by what name soever it may or shall be 
called hereafter. And that, in like manner, I shall labour to extirpate 
all superstition, and all heresies condemned by the primitive general 
councils of the true ancient church ; all schism, chiefly amongst evan- 
gelical protestants, who have cast off the papal yoke; all prophaneness, 
and whatsoever shall be found contrary to sound doctrine, and the 
power of godliness, lest I partake of other men's sins, and be in danger 
to receive of their plagues, that the Lord may be one, and his name 
one, not only in the three kingdoms, but in all the kingdoms of the 

Thirdly, That I shall by the means aforesaid, in the same sincerity, 
reality, and constancy, according to my calling, endeavour, with my 
estate and life, to preserve the rights and privileges of the parliaments, 
and the liberties of the kingdoms, which are fundamental and necessary 
for the conservation of the publick state ; and that I shall also preserve 
and defend, with my estate and life, the King's Majesty's person and 
authority, to which I am bound by the oath of allegiance, as to the 
head of the publick state, in the preservation and defence of the true 

VOL. vi. o 


religion and liberties of the kingdoms, that the world may bear witn 
with my conscience of my loyalty, and that I have no thoughts or 
intentions to diminish his Majesty's just power and greatness. 

Fourthly, That I shall, with all faithfulness, endeavour the disco- 
very of all such as have been, or shall be incendiaries, malignants, or 
evil instruments, by hindering the reformation of religion, dividing the 
King from his people, or one of the kingdoms from another, or making 
any factions or parties among the people, contrary to the tenor of the 
national league or covenant, that they may be drawn from the error of 
their ways, and brought to repentance, or otherwise to pubhck tryal, 
and receive condign punishment, as the degree of their offence shall 
require or deserve, or supreme judicatories of both kingdoms respec- 
tively, or others having power from them to that effect, shall judge 

Fifthly, And whereas the happiness of a blessed peace and union 
between the kingdoms, denied in former times to our progenitors, is, 
by the good providence of God, granted to us, and hath been lately 
concluded and settled by both parliaments, I shall, according to my 
place and interest, endeavour that the kingdoms may remain con- 
joined in a firm peace and union to all posterity, and that justice may 
be done upon the wilful opposers thereof, in manner expressed in th 
precedent articles. 

Sixthly, I shall, also, according to my place and calling, in the 
common cause of religion, liberty, and peace of tbe kingdoms, assist 
and defend all those that enter into the national league and covenant, 
in the maintaining and pursuing thereof, and shall not suffer myself, 
directly or indirectly, by whatsoever combination, persuasion, or ter- 
ror, to be withdrawn and divided from this blessed union and conjunc- 
tion, whether to make defection to the contrary part, or to give myself 
to a detestable indiffcrency, or neutrality, in this cause, which so 
much concerns the glory of God, the good of the kingdoms, the ho- 
nour of the King, and the welfare of all evangelical churches, which I 
shall labour to bring to a good correspondency, and brotherly affection 
with the church'-s of the kingdoms, and one with another; and so, all 
the days of my life, shall zealously and constantly continue, against 
all opposition, in this endeavour of.publick edification, peace, and 
reconcilement of protestants, not leaving off to promote more particu- 
larly the national cause according to my power, against all lets and 
impediments whatsoever; and what I am not able to suppress or over- 
come by myself, I shall reveal and make known, that it may be timely 
prevented or removed. All which I shall do as in the sight of God. 

Seventhly, And, lest, in the use of the foresaid means for the prose- 
cuting of these endeavours, as well towards those of my nation, as to- 
wards other evangelical churches, I might either unadvisedly give, or 
others might rolourably take offence and scandals at me, from whence 
mconvemencies in this work, as tares in a good field, may grow up, 
and choak the fruits thereof, for want of circumspection and care, to 
determine the way and manner of proceeding, by necessary rules tend- 
ing to edification ; therefore, I shall faithfully endeavour to shape my 
course m all things conformable to the life of Jesus Christ, the captain 


<tft this warfare, whose footsteps I am bound to follow, and whose life 
is the rule of righteousness ; and, to speak more particularly of this, I 
shall order the ways of my proceedings by these rules: 

I. I shall walk in the light, doing all things openly; and being de- 
sirous to come to the light, and approve my ways to the conscience of 
every one, I shall reject all hidden things of darkness, and the tricks of 
worldly wisdom. 

II. 1 shall not meddle out of ray spiritual calling, with matters of 
state, nor suffer my mi<nisterial gifts to serve politicians for worldly 

III. My way shall be wholly evangelical, that is to say, fitted to 
prepare the minds of men to entertain the glad tidings of the gospel. 
And, to this effect, 

I shall seek out and propose the counsels and means of peace by the 
truth, bearing witness thereunto, as it shall be revealed to me, and 
exhorting and persuading indifferently all to receive it. 

I shall not strive, nor cry, nor lift up my voice in the streets: that 
is to say, I shall not entertain the contentious custom of bitter railings, 
and confused disputing?, by odious censuring and condemning of others, 
to lay open their faults ; but rather study by loving admonitions to 
redress them. 

I shall not break the bruised reed, nor quench the smoak ing flax; 
that is to say. I shall bear with the weak and support the feeble, not 
pleasing myself, but, condescending to things of low degree, befitting 
the capacity of the simple and ignorant, I will labour to heal the 
breaches of their spirit, and carry their burthens, till God send forth 
judgment unto victory, 

If I be wronged, I shall not intend revenge, or requite evil for evil, 
or give way to evil surmises, or make sinister reports of my evil will 
known, but rather shall cover their faults, so far as may be without 
detriment to the publick cause, and the necessary clearing of my owa 

In a Word, I shall do nothing to another, which I would not have 
done, in the like case, unto myself; and what 1 would have done by 
others to myself, I shall first do it unto them. 

Lastly, I shall always be ready to go without the camp, to bear the 
reproach, and partake of the cross of Jesus Christ. 

And, because, ot only the kingdoms, bwt all protestant churches 
and evangelical states, and every one that liveth therein, are guilty of 
many sins and provocations against God and his son Jesus Christ, as is 
too manifest by the present distresses and dangers, the fruits thereof 
befalling to all, as well at home as abroad ; therefore, I .propose and 
declare before God my unfeigned desire to be humbled for my sins, and 
for the sins of my brethren in these kingdoms, and in the churches -at 
home and abroad; especially that we have not all valued, as we ought, 
the inestimable benefit of the gospel; that we have not laboured for the 
purity and power thereof, and that we have not endeavoured to receive 
Christ in our hearts, nor to walk worthy of him in our lives, which are 
the cause of other sins and transgressions so much abounding among all. 
ray true and unfeigned purpose, desire, and endeavour, is for my- 


self, and for all others under my power and charge, both in publick 
and in private, in all duties I owe to God and man, to amend my life 
and theirs, and to go before others in the example of a real reformation, 
that the Lord may turn away his wrath and heavy indignation from all 
his people, and establish the churches and the kingdoms in truth and 

And this covenant and vow I make in the presence of Almighty God, 
the searcher of all hearts, with a true intention to perform the same 
unblameably, as I shall answer at the great day, when the secrets of 
all hearts shall be disclosed. Most humbly beseeching the Lord to 
strengthen me and all those that enter into the like resolution by his 
Holy Spirit for this end, and to bless all our desires and proceedings 
of this kind, with such success as may be deliverance and safety to his 
people, and encouragement to other Christian churches, groaning un- 
der, or in danger of the yoke of Antichristian tyranny, to join in the 
same or like association and covenant, to the glory of God, the enlarge- 
ment of the kingdom of Jesus Christ, ahd the peace and tranquillity of 
all Christian kingdoms and commonwealths. Amen. 

I have said and subscribe myself, 

J. D. 





Wherein is set down, 

. , 

Wdghed in this thrce " fold balance, and found 


III. The necessity of the reformation of the laws of England ; together 
with the excellency (and yet difficulty) of this work. 

IV. The corrupt interest of lawyers in this commonwealth. 


Leges Anglic? plena; sunt tricarum, ambiguitatum, sibique crmtrariot ; 
Juerunt siquidcm excogitate?, atque sanction d Nomtannis, quibus nulfa 
gens magis litigiosa, atque in controversiis machinandis ac proferendis 
faliacior reperiri potest. 


Englished thus : The laws of England are full of tricks, doubts, and 
contrary to themselves ; for they were invented and established by 
the Normans, which were of all nations the most quarrelsome, and 
most fallacious in contriving of controversies and suits. 

London, printed for Giles Calvert, at the Black Spread Eagle, at the West End 
of St. Paul's. 1649. Quarto, containing eighteen pages 


Containing the just measure of all good laics, in their original, rule, and 
end : together with a reflexion (by tftiy of Antithesis) upon unjust 

THOSE laws, which do carry any thing of freedom in their bowels, 
do owe their original to the people's choice: and have been wrested 
from the rulers and princes of the world, by importunity of intreaty, 
or by force of arms; for the great men of the world, being invested with 
the power thereof, cannot be imagined to eclipse themselves or their 
own pomp, unless by the violent interposition of the people's spirits, 
who are most sensible of their own burdens, and most forward in seek- 
ing relief. So that exorbitancy and injustice, on the part of rulers, was 
the rise of laws in behalf of the people; which consideration will 
afford us this general maxim, That the pure and genuine intent of laws 
was to bridle princes, not the people, and to keep rulers within the 
bounds of just and righteous government ; from whence, as from a 
fountain, the rivulet of subjection and obedience, on the people's part, 
did reciprocally flow forth, partly to gratify, and partly to encourage 
good and virtuous governors: so that laws have but a secondary re- 
rlexion on the people, glancing only at them, but looking with a full 
eye upon princes. Agreeable to this is that of Cicero, Lib. ii. de Offic. 
whose words are to this effect : " Cum prerneretur ohm multitude ab iis 
qui majores opes habtbant, stutim confugicbat ad unum aliquem virtute 
prastantem, fyc. Jus enim semper qucesitum est cequabilc, neq ; enim 
aliter essetjus ; id si ab uno burno fy justo viro consequebantur, eo erant 
contenti ; cum id minus contingeret, leges sunt inventce," $c. (i.e.) 
When the people did obtain redress of their wrongs from some just and 
good man, they were satisfied therewith ; but, when they failed thereof,, 
they found out laws, &c, &c. 



From which assertion we may deduce a two-fold corollary. 

J That at the foundation of governments justice was m men, before 
it came to be in laws; for the only rule of government, to good princes, 
was their own wills; and people were content to pay them their subjec- 
tion upon the security of their bare words: so here in England, in the 
days of King Alfied, the administration of jnstice was immediately m 
the crown, and required the personal attendance of the King. 

2. But this course did soon bankrupt the world, and drive men to a 
necessity of taking bond from their princes, and setting limits to their 
power; hence it came to pass, that justice was transmitted from men to 
laws, that both prince and people might read their duties, offences, and 
punishment:) before them. 

And yet such hath been the interest of princes in the world, that the 
sting of the law hath been plucked out as to them, and the weight of it 
fallen upon the people ; which hath been more grievous, because out of 
its place, the element of the law being beneficial, not cumbersome withr 
in its own sphere. Hence it is, that laws (like swords) come to be used 
against those which made them ; and, being put upon the rack of self 
and worldly interest, are forced to speak what they never meant, and to 
accuse their best friends, the people. Thus the law becomes any thing 
or nothing, at the courtesy of great men, and is bended by them like a 
twig: Yea, how easy is it for such men to. break those customs which 
will not bow, and to erect traditions, 1 of a more complying temper, to the 
wills of those, whose end they serve. So that law comes to be lost in 
will and lust; yea, lust by the adoption of greatness is enacted law. 
Hence it comes to pass, that laws upon laws do bridle the people ; and 
run counter to their end ; yea, the farther we go, the more out of the 
way. This is the original of unjust laws. 

No marvel that freedom hath no voice here, for an usurper reigns ; 
and freedom is proscribed like an exile, living only in the understandings 
of some few men, and not daring to appear upon the theatre of the 

But yet the minds of men are the great wheels of things ; thence 
come changes and alterations in the world ; teeming freedom exerts and 
puts forth itself; the unjust world would suppress its appearance, 
many fall in this conflict, but freedom will at last prevail, and give law 
to all things. 

_ So that here is the proper fountain of good and righteous laws, a spi- 
lt of understanding big with freedom, and having a single respect to 
people's rights ; judgment goes before to create a capacity, and freedom 

lluwsafter to fill it up. And thus law comes to be the bank of free- 

>rri, which is not said to straighten, but to conduct the stream. A 

eople, thus watered, are in a thriving posture; and the rather, because 

foundation is well laid, and the law reduced to its original state, 

rch is the protection of the poor against the mighty. 

it were possible for a people to chuse such laws as were prejudicial 

. themselves this were to forsake their own interest: Here (you will 

say) free choice ; but bring such laws to the rule, and there is a failure 

the rule of nghteous laws are clear and righteous principles, ac- to the several appearances of truth within u*, for reason is the 


measure of all just laws, though ihe size differ according to the various 
apprehensions of people, or tempers of commonwealths; so that choice, 
abstracted or considered in itself, is no undeniable badge of a just law, 
but as it is mixed with other ingredients, as, on the contrary, force and 
power are not thcrefoie condemned, because they have hands to strike, 
but because they have no eyes to see, i. e. they are not usually balanced 
with understanding and right reason in making or executing of laws, 
the sword having commonly more of the beast in it, than the man. 

Otherwise, to be imposed upon by the art of truth, is to be caught by 
a warrantable guile, and to be kept by force from injuring one's self or 
others, hath more of courtesy than severeness therein ; and in this case 
reason will cast the scales, and ascribe more to a seeing force, than a 
blind choice; the righteousness or unrighteousness of things depends not 
upon the circumstances of our embracing or rejecting them, but upon 
the true nature of the things themselves: Let righteousness and truth be 
given out to the nation, we shall not much quarrel at the manner of 
conveighance, whether this way, or that way, by the beast, or by the 
man, by the vine, or by the bramble. 

There is a two-fold rule of corrupt laws. 

1. Principles of self and worldly greatness in the rulers of the world, 
who, standing upon the mountain of force and power, see nothing but 
their own land round about them, and make it their design to subdue 
laws as well as persons, and inforce both to do homage to their wills. 

2. Obsequiousness, flattery, or compliancy of spirit to the foresaid 
principles, is the womb of all degenerous laws in inferior ministers. It is 
hard, indeed, not to swim with the stream, and some men v had rather 
give up their right than contend, especially upon apparent disadvantage; 
it is true, these things are temptations to men, and it is one thing to be 
deflowred, but to give up one's self to uncleanness is another. It is bet- 
ter to be ravished of our freedoms, corrupt times have a force upon us, 
than to give them up as a free-will offering to the lusts of great men, es- 
pecially if we ourselves have a share with them in the same design. 

Easiness of spirit is a wanton frame, and so far from resisting, that it 
courts an assault; yea, such persons are prodigal of other men's stock, 
and give that away for the bare asking, which will cost much labour to 
regain. Obsequious and servile spirits are the worst guardians of the 
people's rights. 

Upon the advantage of such spirits, the interest of rulers hath been 
heightened in the world, and strictly guarded by severest laws; and tru- 
ly, when the door qf an interest flies open at a knock, no marvel that 
princes enter in. 

And, being once admitted into the bosom of the law, their first work 
is to secure themselves; and here what servility and flattery are not able 
to effect, that force and power shall : And in order hereto a guard of 
laws is impressed to serve and defend prerogative power, and to secure 
against the assaults of freedom j so that, in this case, freedom is not able 
to stir without a load of prejudice in the minds of men, and (as a ground 
thereof) a visible guilt, as to the letter of the law. 

But how can such laws be good, which swerve from their end ? 
end of just laws is the safety and freedom of a people, 



As for safety, just laws are bucklers of defence ; when the mouth of 
Tiolcnce is muzzled by a law, the innocent feed and sleep securely; 
when the wolfish nature is destroyed, there shall then be no need of law ; 
as long as thai is in being, the curb of the law keeps it in restraint, 
that the great may not oppress or injure the small. 

As for safety, laws are the manacles of princes, and the guards of pri- 
vate men. So far as laws advance the people's freedoms, so far are they 
just, for, as the power of the prince is the measure of unrighteous laws, 
so just laws are weighed in the balance of freedom. Where the first of 
these take place, the people are wholly slaves ; where the second, they 
are wholly free ; but most commonwealths are in a middle posture, as 
having their laws grounded partly upon the interest of the prince, and 
partly upon the account of the people, yet so as that prerogative hath 
the greatest influence, and is the chiefest ingredient in the mixture of 
law, as in the laws of England will by and by appear. 


The failures of our English laws, in their original, rule, and end. 

THE influence of force and power, in the sanction of our English 
laws, appears by this, that several alterations have been made of our 
laws, either in whole, or in part, upon every conquest. And, if at any 
time the conqueror hath continued any of the ancient laws, it hath been 
only to please and ingratiate himself into the people, for so generous 
thieves give back some part of their money to travellers, to abate their 
zeal in pursuit. 

Upon this ground I conceive it is, why Fortescue and some others do 
affirm *, that, notwithstanding the several conquests of this realm, yet the 
same laws have still continued. His words are these: ' Regnum Angliae 
primo per Britones inhabitatum est, deinde per Romanos regulatum, 
iterumq; per Britones, ac deinde per Saxonespossessum, qui nomen ejus 
ex Britannia in Angliam mutavtrunt; extunc per Danos idem regnum 
parumper dominatutn est, et iterum per Saxones, sed finaliter per Nor- 
manos, quorum propago regnum illud obtinet in prasenti, et in omnibus 
nationum harum ctregum earum temporibus, regnum illud, iisdemqui- 
bus jam regitur consuetudinibus continue regulatum est.' That is, ' The 
kingdom of England was first inhabited by the Britons, afterwards it 
was governed by the Romans; and again by the Britons, and after that 
by the Saxons ; who changed its name from Britain to England. In 
process of time the Danes ruled here, and again the Saxons, and last of 
all the Normans, whose posterity governeth the kingdom at this day ;. 
and, in all the times of these several nations, and of their Kings, this realm 
was still ruled by the same customs, that it is now governed withal,' Thus 
far Fortescue in the reign of Henry the Sixth. Which opinion of his 
can be no otherwise explained, besides what we have already said, than 
that succeeding conquerors did still retain those parts of former laws, 
which made for their own interest; otherwise it is altogether inconsis- 
tent with reason, that the Saxons, who banished the inhabitants, and 
changed the name, should yet retain the laws of this island. Conque- 
rs seldom submit to the law of the conquered (where conquests are 

Fortesc. Cap. IT. 

LAWS OF ENGLAND, &c. , 217 

complcat, as the Saxons was) but, on the contrary, especially when they 
bare such a mortal feud to their persons: Which argument (if it were 
alone) were sufficient to demonstrate, that the Britons and their laws 
were banished together ; and to discover the weakness of the contrary 
opinion, unless you take the comment, together with the text, and make 
that explanation of it which we have done. 

And yet this is no honour at all to the laws of England, that they are 
such pure servants to corrupt interests, that they can keep their places 
under contrary masters; just and equal laws will rather endure perpe- 
tual imprisonment, or undergo the severest death than take up arms on 
the other side (yea princes cannot trust such laws). An hoary head (in 
a law) is no crown, unless it be found in the way of righteousness. 
Prov. xvi. 31. 

By this it appears, that the notion of fundamental law is no such idol 
as men make it: For, what, 1 pray you, is fundamental law, but such 
customs as are of the eldest date, and longest continuance? Now, free- 
dom being the proper rule of custom, it is more fit that unjust customs 
should be reduced, that they may continue no longer, than that they 
should keep up their arms, because they have continued so long. The 
more fundamental a law is, the more difficult, not the less necessary, to 
be reformed. /'But to return. 

Upon every conquest, our very laws have been found transgressors, 
and, without any judicial process, have undergone the penalty of abro- 
gation; not but that our laws needed to be reformed, but the only rea- 
son. in the conqueror was his own will, without respect to the people's 
rights; and, in this case, the riders are changed, but the burdens conti- 
nued; for mere force is a most partial thing, and ought never to pass in 
a jury upon the freedoms of the people; and yet thus it hath been in 
our English nation, as, by examining the original of it, may appear; 
and, in bringing down its pedigree to this present time, we shall easily 
perceive, that the British laws were altered by the Romans, the Roman 
law by the Saxons, the Saxon law by the Danes, the Danish law by 
King Edward the Confessor, King Edward's laws by William the Con- 
queror, which, being somewhat moderated and altered by succeeding 
Kings, is the present common law in force amongst us, as will by and by 

The history of this nation is transmitted down to us upon reasonable 
credit for seventeen-hundred years last past ; but whence the Britons 
drew their original (who inhabited this island before the Roman con- 
quest) is as uncertainly related by historians, as what their laws and con- 
stitutions were; and truly, after so long a series of times, it is better to 
be silent, than to bear false witness. 

But certain it is, that the Britons were under some kind of govern- 
ment, both martial and civil, when the Romans entered this island, as 
having perhaps borrowed some laws from the Greeks, the refiners of 
human spirits, and the ancientest irwenters of laws. And this may seem 
more than conjectural, if the opinion of some may take place, that the- 
Phoenicians, or Greeks, first sailed into Britain, and mingled customs 
and languages together. For it cannot be denied, that the etymon of 
many British words seems to be Greekish, as (if it were material to this 
purpose) might be clearly shewn. 


But it is sufficient for us to know, that whatever the laws of the Bri- 
tons were, upon the conquest of Csesar, they wore reviewed and altered, 
and the Roman law substituted in its room, by Vespasian, Papmian,and 
others, who were in person here ; yea divers of the British nobles were 
educated at Rome, on purpose to inure them to their laws. 

The civil law, remaining in Scotland, is said to have been planted 
thereby the Romans, whoconqm-red a part thereof. And this nation 
was likewise subject to the same law, till the subversion of this state by 
the Saxons, who made so barbarous a conquest of the nation, and so ra- 
zed out the foundation of former laws, that there are less footsteps of the 
civil law in this, than in France, Spain, or any other province under the 
Roman power. 

So that, whilst the Saxons ruled here, they were governed by their own 
laws, which diftered much from the British law ; some of these Saxon 
laws were afterwards digested into form, and are yet extant in their ori- 
ginal tongue, and translated into Latin. 

The next alteration of our English laws was by the Danes, who re- 
pealed and nulled the Saxon law, and established their own in its stead. 
Hence it is, that the laws of England do bear great affinity with the cus- 
toms of Denmark, in descents of inheritance, tryals of right, and several 
other ways. It is probable, that originally inheritances were divided in 
this kingdom amongst all the sons by gavel kind, which custom seems to 
have been instituted by Caesar, both amongst u* and the Germans (and 
as yet remains in Kent, not wrested from them by the conqueror); but the 
Danes, being ambitious to conform us to the pattern of their own coun- 
try, did doubtless alter this custom, and allot the inheritance to the eldest 
son; for that was the course in Denmark, as Wal-ingham reports in his 
Upodigma Ncustrice : Pater cmctos Jilios adultos d se pettebat, prceter 
unwn quern hceredcm sui juris relinquebat, i. e. ' Fathers did expose and 
put forth all their sons, besides one whom they made heir of their 

So likewise, in tryals of right by twelve men, our customs agree with 
the Danish, and in many other particulars, which were introduced by 
the Danes, disused at their expulsion, and revived again by William 
the Conqueror. 

For, after the massacre of the Danes in this island, King Edward the 
Confessor did again alter their laws; and, though he extracted many 
particulars out of the Danish laws, yet he grafted them upon a new 
stock, and compiled a body of laws, since known by his name, under the 
protection of which the people then lived ; so that here was another al- 
teration of our English laws. 

And, as the Danish law was altered by King Edward, so were King- 
Edward's laws disused by the conqueror, and some of the Danish cus- 
toms again revived. And, to clear this, we must consider, that the Danes 
and Normans were both of a stock, and situated in Denmark, but called 
Normans from their northern situation, from whence they sailed into 
France, and settled their customs in that part of it, which they called 
Normandy by their own name, and from thence into Britain. And 
here comes the great alteration of our English laws by William the 
Conqueror, who selecting some passages out of the Saxon, and some 


out of the Danish law, and, in both, having greatest respect to his own 
interest, made by the rule of his government ; but his own will was an 
exception to this rule, as often as he pleased. 

For the alterations, which the conqueror brought in, were very great; 
as the clothing his laws with the Norman tongue, the appointment of 
terms at Westminster ; whereas, before, the people had justice in their 
own countries, there being several courts in every county; and the su- 
preme court in the county was called generate ptacitum, for the deter- 
mining of those controversies which the parish, or the hundred court, 
could not decide ; the ordaining of sheriffs and other court officers in 
every county, to keep people in subjection to the crown, and, upon 
any attempt for redress of injustice, life and land was forfeited to the 
King*. Thus were the possessions of the inhabitants distributed 
amongst his followers, yet still upon their good behaviour, for they must 
hold it of the crown, and, in case of disobedience, the propriety did re- 
vert : And, in order hereunto, certain rents yearly were to be paid to the 
King. Thus, as the lords and rulers held of the King, so did inferior 
persons hold of the lords : Hence-come landlord, tenant, holds, tenures, 
&c. which are slavish ties and badges upon men, grounded originally on 
conquest and power. 

Yea, the laws of the conqueror wereso burthensome to the people, that 
succeeding Kings were forced to abate their price, and to give back some 
freedom to the people. Hence it came to pass, that Henry the First did mi- 
tigate the laws of his father the conqueror, and restored those of King 
Edward ; hence likewise came the confirmation of Magna Charta and 
Chartu Forestce, by which latter, the power of the King was abridged, in 
enlarging of forests; whereas the conqueror is said to have demolished a 
vast number of buildings, to erect and enlarge new forests by Salisbury, 
which must needs be a grievance to the people. These freedoms were 
granted to the people, not out of any love to them, but extorted from 
princes by fury of war, or incessantness of address; and, in this case, 
princes, making a virtue of necessity, have given away that, which was 
hone of their own, and they could not well keep, in hqpe to regain it at 
other times ; so that what of freedom we have, by the law, is the price 
of much hazard and blood. Grant, that the people seem to have had a 
shadow of freedom in chusing of laws, as consenting to them by their, 
representatives, or proxies, both before and since the conquest (for even 
the Saxon Kings held their conventions or parliaments) yet whosocyei 
shall consider how arbitrary such meetings were, and how much at the 
devotion of the prince, both to summon and dissolve, and withal how the 
spirit of freedom was observed and kept under, and likewise how most 
of the members of such assemblies were lords, dukes, earls, pensioners to 
the prince, and the royal interest, will easily conclude, that there hath 
been a failure in our English laws, as to matter of election or free 
choice, there having been always a rod held over the chusers, and a ne- 
gative voice, with a power of dissolution, having always nipped freedom 
in the bud. 

The rule of our English laws is as faulty as the rise. The rule of our 
laws may be referred to a two fold interest. 



1. The interest of the King, which was the great biass and rule of the 
law; and other interests but tributary to this: Hence it is, all our laws 
run in the name of the King, and are carried on in an orb above the sphere 
of the people; hence re that saying of Philip Honor. Cum <J Gulielmo 
conquestore, quod perinde est ac tyrflnnus, imtilutx sint leges Anglia:, ad- 
mirandum non est quod solam principis ittilitatem respJciant, subditorum 
verbbonum desertum esse rideatur. i e. 'Since the laws of England were 
instituted by William the Conqueror, or tyrant, it is no wonder that 
they respect only the prerogative of the King, and neglect the freedom 
of the people/ 

2. The interest of the people, which, like a worm, when trod upon, did 
turn again, and in smaller iota's and diminutive parcels, wound in itself 
into the texture of the law, yet so as that the royal intenst was above it, 
and did frequently suppress it at its pleasure. The freedom, which we 
have by the law, owns its original to this interest-of the people, which, a& 
it was formerly little known to the world, so was it misrepresented by- 
princes, and loaden with reproaches, to make it odious ; yea, liberty, 

the result thereof, was obtained but by parcels, so that we have rather a 

taste than a draught of freedom. 

If then the rise and rule of our law be so much out of tune, no mar- 
vel that we have no good musick in the end, but bondage, instead of 
freedom, and instead of safety, danger. For the law of England is so 
full of uncertainty, nicety, ambiguity, and delay, that the poor people 
are insnared, not remedied thereby: The formality of our English laws 
is that to an oppressed man, which school-divinity is to a wounded spirit ; 
when the conscience of a sinner is pierced with remorse, it is not the 
nicety of the casuist, which is able to heal it, but the solid experience 
pf the grounded Christian. 

It is so with the law, when the poor and oppressed want right, they 
meet with law ; which, as it is managed, is their greatest wrong; so that 
law itself becomes a sin, and an experimented grievance in this nation. 
Who knows not that the web of the law intangles the small flies, and 
jismisseth the great; so that a mite of equity is worth a whole bundle 
of law: Yea, many times the very law is the badge of our oppression, 
its proper intent being to inslave the people; so that the inhabitants of 
this nation are lost in the law, such and so many are the references, or- 
ders, and appeals, that it were better for us to sit down by the loss, than 
to seek for relief; for law is a chargeable physician, and he, which hath 
a great family to maintain, may well take large fees. 

For the officers, or menial servants of the law, are so numerous, that 
the. price of right is too high for a poor man ; yea, many of them, procu- 
ring their places by sinister ways, must make themselves savers by the 
vails of their office; yea, it we're well if they rested here, and did not 
raise the market of their fees, for they, that buy at a great rate, must 
needs sell dear. 

But the poor and oppressed pay for all. Hence it is, that such men 
w rich upon the rums of others, and whilst law and lawyer are ad- 
vanced, equity and truth are under hatches, and the people subject to 
a legal tyranny, which of all bondages is one of the greatest. 


Mere force is its own argument, and hath nothing to plead for it, 
but itself; but, when oppression comes under the notion of law, it is 
most insnaring; for sober-minded men will part with some right to 
keep the rest, and are willing to bear to the utmost; but perpetual bur- 
dens will break their backs (as the strongest jade tires' at last) especially 
when there is no hope of relief. 


Of the necessity of the Reformation of the laws of England, together with 
the excellency (and yet difficulty) of the work. 

THE more general a good is, the more divine and God-like. Grant, 
that prerogative laws are good for princes, and advantageous to their 
interest, yet the shrubs are more in number than the cedars in the 
forest of the world ; and laws of freedom, in behalf of the people ? are 
more useful, because directed to a more general good. Communities 
are rather to be respected, than the private interests of men. 

Good patriots study the people, as favourites do the prince; and it 
is altogether impossible, that the people should be free, without a re- 
formation of the law, the source and root of freedom. An equal and 
speedy distribution of right ought to be the abstract and epitome of all 
laws; and if so, 

Why are there so many delays, turnings, and windings in the laws 

of England ? 
Why is our law a meander of intricacies, where a man must have 

contrary winds before he can arrive at his desired port? 
Why are so many men destroyed for want of a formality and punc- 
tilio in law ? And who would not blush, to behold seemingly 
grave and learned sages to prefer a letter, syllable, or word, before 
the weight and merit of a cause? 
Why do the issue of most law-suits depend upon precedents, rather 

than the rule, especially the rule of reason ? 
Why are men's lives forfeited by the law upon light and trivial 

Why do some laws exceed the offence? And, on the contrary, other 

offences are of greater demerit than the penalty of the law ? 
Why is the law still kept in an unknown tongue*, and the nicety of 

it rather countenanced than corrected ? 

Why are not courts rejourned into every county, that the people 
may have right at their own doors, and such tedious journeyings f 
may be prevented ? 

Why, under pretence of equity, and a court of conscience, are our 
wrongs doubled and trebled upon us, the Court of Chancery 
being as extortionous J, or more than any other court? Yea, it is 
a considerable qucere, whether the Court of Chancery were not first 
erected merely to elude the letter of the law, which, though defec- 
tive, yet had some certainty ; and, under a pretence of conscience, 

* This has been reformed in this our gracious King's reign. 

t To Westminster from all parts of Eugland. 

. lu those days; but it has undergone many and good reforms *ince this author's time, 


to devolve all causes upon mere will, swayed by corrupt interest. 
If former a*cs have taken advantage to mix some wheat with the 
tares and to insert some raitcs of freedom into our laws; why 
should we neglect, upon greater advantages, to double our files, 
and to produce the perfect image of freedom; which is therefore 
neglected, because not known. 

How otherwise, can we answer the call of God, or the cries of the 
people 'who search for freedom as for an hid treasure? Yea, how 
can we be registered, even in the catalogue of heathens, who made 
less^bew, buthad more substance, atrd were excellent justiciaries, as 
to the people's rights: so Solon, Lycurgus, &c. Such moral appear- 
ances in the minds of men are of sufficient energy tor the ordering of 
commonwealths, and it were to be wished, that those states, which are 
called Christian, were but as just as heathens in their laws, and such- 
strict promoters of common right. 

Pure religion is to visit the fatherless, and the most glorious fast to 
abstain from strife, and smiting with the fist of wickedness ; in a word, 
to relieve the oppressed, will be a just guerdon and reward for our 
pains and travel in the reformation of the law. 

And yet this work is very hard, there being so many concerned 
therein, and most being busier to advance and secure themselves, than 
to benefit the publick; yea, our physicians being themselves parties, 
and engaged in those interests, which freedom condemns, will hardly 
be brought to deny themselves, unlesg upon much conviction and 
assistance from above ; and yet this we must hope for, that the refor- 
mation of the times may begin in the breasts of our reformers, for such 
men are likely to be the hopeful fire of freedom, who have the image 
of it ingrafted in their own minds. 


Of the corrupt interest of lawyers in the commonwealth of England. 

OF interests, some are grounded upon weakness, and some upon cor- 
ruption. The most lawful interests are sown in weakness, and have their 
rise and growth there: apostle, prophet, evangelist, were only for the 
perfecting of the saints; physicians are of the like interest to the body ; 
marriage is but an help and comfort in a dead state, for in the resur- 
rection they neither marry, nor are given in marriage. 

Interests grounded upon weakness may be used, as long as our 
weakness doth continue, and no longer ; for the whole need not a phy- 
sician, &c. such interests are good, profitable, useful ; and in their 
own nature self-denying, i. e. contented to sit down, and give way to 
that strength and glory to which they serve. 

But the interest of lawyers, in this common- wealth, seems to be 
grounded rather npon corruption, than weakness, as, by surveying its 
original, may appear. The rise and potency of lawyers, in this king- 
dom, may be ascribed to a two-fold ground. 

I. The unknownness of the law, being in a strange tongue; whereas, 
when the law was in a known language, as before the Conquest, a man 
might be his own advocate. But the hiddenness of the law, together 


with the fallacies and doubts thereof, render us in a posture unable to 
extricate ourselves; but we must have recourse to the shrine of the 
lawyer, whose oracle is in such request, because it pretends to resolve 

2. The quarterly terms at Westminster; whereas, when justice was 
administered in every county, this interest could not possibly grow to 
an height, but every man could mind and attend his own cause, with- 
out such journeying to and fro, and such chargeable attendance, as at 
Westminster-Hall. For, first, in the country, the law was plain, and 
controversies decided by neighbours of the Hundred, who could be 
soon informed in the state of the matter, and were very ready to admi- 
nister justice, as making it their own case: but, as for common law- 
yers, they carry ouly the idea of right and wrong in their heads, and 
are so far from being touched with the sense of those wrongs, against 
which they seem to argue, that they go on merely in a formality of 
words. I speak not this out of emulation, or envy, against any man's 
person, but singly in behalf of the people, against the corruption of the 
interest itself. 

After the Conquest, when courts and terms were established at West- 
minster (for how could the darling of prerogative thrive, unless always 
under the King's eye?) Men were not at leisure to take so much pains 
for their own, but sometimes they themselves, sometimes their friends, 
in their behalf, came up in Term-time to London, to plead their 
causes, and to procure justice. As yet, the interest of lawyers was a 
puny thing, for one friend would undertake to plead his cause for an- 
other ; and he which was more versed in the tricks of the law, than 
his neighbour, would undertake a journey to London, at the request of 
those who had business to do, perhaps his charges borne on the way, 
and some small reward for his pains; there were then no stately man- 
sions for lawyers, but such agents (whether parents, friends, or neigh- 
bours to the parties) lodged like other travellers, in inns, as country 
attornies still do. Hence it came to pass, that, when the interest of 
lawyers came to be advanced in Edward the Third's time, their man- 
sions or colleges were still called Inns, but, with an addition of honour, 
Inns of Court. 

The proceed of lawyers interest is as followeth : when such agents, as 
we have spoken of, who were employed by their neighbours at London, 
and by this means coming to be versed in the niceties of the law, found 
it sweeter than the plough, and controversies beginning to increase, they 
took up their quarters here, till such time as they were formed into an 
orderly body, and distinct interest, as now they are. 

There is ground enough to conclude, even from the letter of the sta- 
tute law, that men's parents, friends, or neighbours did plead for 
them, withuut the help of any other lawyer*. 

After the lawyers were formed into a society, and had hired the Tem- 
ple of the Knights Templers, for the place of their abode, their interest 
was not presently advanced, but by the contentions of the people, after 

^nno28. Edward. Primi 1300, cap- 11. But it may not be understood hereby, that any 
persons shall be prohibited to have counsel of pleaders, or of learned inou in the law, for his 
fee, or of his parents and next frienJ*. 


a long series of time; so that the interest of lawyers (in the height which 
now it is) comes from the same root, as pride and idleness, i. e. from 
fulness of bread, or prosperity, the mother of strife. Not but that just 
and equal administrators of laws are very necessary in a common- 
wealth ; but when once that, which was at first but a title, comes to 
be framed into an interest, then it sets up itself, and grows great upon 
the ruins of others, and through the corruption of the people. 

I take this to be a main difference between lawful and corrupt inte- 
rests. Just interests are the servants of all, and are of an humble spirit, 
as being content to have their light put out by the brightness of that 
glory which they are supplemental to. But corrupt interests fear a 
change, and use all wiles to establish themselves, that so their fall may 
be great, and their ruin as chargeable to the world as it can; for such 
interests care for none but themselves. 

The readiest way to inform such men is, to do it within us, for most 
men have the common barretor within them, i. e. principles of conten- 
tion and wrong; and thus the law becomes the engine of strife, the in- 
strument of lust, the mother of debates, and lawyers arc as make-bales, 
between a man and his neighbour. 

When Sir Walter Raleigh was upon his tryal, the lawyers, that were 
of council for the King, were very violent against him ; whereupon Sir 
Walter, turning to the jury, used these words: 'Gentlemen, I pray you 
consider, that these men, meaning the lawyers, do usually defend very 
bad causes every day in the courts, agaiqst men of their own profession, 
as able as themselves, what then will they not do against me,' &c.? 
Which speech of his may be too truly affirmed of many lawyers, who 
are any thing or nothing for gain, and, measuring causes by their own 
interest, care not how long right be deferred, and suits prolonged. 
There was a suit in Gloucestershire, between two families, which lasted 
since the reign of Edward the Fourth, till of late composed *, which 
certainly must be ascribed either to the ambiguity of the law, or the 
subtlety of the lawyers, neither of which are any great honour to the 
English nation. 

How much better were it to spend the acuteness of the mind in the 
real and substantial ways of good, and benefit to ourselves and others? 
And not to unbowel ourselves into a mere web, a frothy and conten- 
tious way of law, which the oppressed man stands in no more need of, 
than the tender-hearted Christian of Thomas Aquinas to resolve him in 
his doubts. 

If there be such a thing as right in the world, let us have it sinefuco. 
Why is it delayed, or denied, or varnished over with guilty words? 
Why comes it not forth in its own dress ? Why doth it not put off law, 
and put on reason, the mother of all just laws? Why is it not ashamed 
of its long and mercenary train? Why can we not ask it, and receive it 
ourselves, but must have it handed to us by others? In a word why 
may not a man plead his own case? Or his friends and acquaintance, 
as formerly, plead for him ? 

Memorable is that passage in King James's speech in the Star-Cham- 

* Camden Brit, in Giouceit. 


ber, " In countries, says he, where the formality of law hath no place, 
as in Denmark, all their state is governed only by a written law, there 
is no advocate or proctor admitted to plead, only the parties themselves 
plead their own cause, and then a man stands up, and pleads the law, 
and there is an end; for the very law-book itself is their only judge: 
happy were all kingdoms, if they could be so; but here curious wits, 
various conceits, different actions, and variety of examples breed ques- 
tions in law." Thus far he. And if this kingdom doth resemble Den- 
mark, in so many other customs, why may it nol be assimilated to i; 
in this also? especially considering, that the world travels with free- 
dom, and some real compensation is desired by the people, for all 
their sufferings, losses, and blood. 

To clear the channel of the law, is an honourable work for a senate, 
who should be preservers of the people's rights. 


Of the Proceedings of a 


Assembled in the Plain of Ageda in Hungary, about thirty leagues dis^ 
tarit from Buda, to examine the Scriptures concerning Christ, on th 
twelfth of October, 1650. By Samuel Brest, there present. 

Also, a relation of some other observations in his travels beyond the 
seas; and particularly in Egypt, Macedonia, Dalmatia, Calabria, 
Apuleia, Sicily, Assyria, Sclavonia, France, Spain, and Portugal; 
the Islands of Cyprus, Candia, Patmos, and Delphos; the cities of 
Carthage, Corinth, Troy, Constantinople, Venice, Naplc-s, Leg- 
horn, Florence, Milan, Rome, Bottonia, Mantua, Genoa, Paris, 

[From a Quarto edition, printed at London, for Richard Moon, at the Seven 
Stars in St. Paul's Church-Yard, near the great North-Door, ]6S5.] 

The contents of this pamphlet are very extraordinary ; some of them of 
the last importance to the Christian commonweal, and all of them 
matter of great curiosity, and scarce to be met with in any other 
English historian. As for the author, take his own account of him- 
self as follows: 



There was nothing I more desired, than to travel beyond the seas, and 
to know the various manners of the nations of the world ; for which, 
through God's providence, I had an opportunity offered me, to my 
great "satisfaction, being chirurgeon of an English ship in the 
Streights, where, for a cure that I did for Orlando de Spina, of Gal- 
lipoli^ an eminent man in those parts, I was by him preferred to be 
captain of a ship of Malta, which was set out by the said Orlando, 
and committed to my command against the Turks in the Arches, in 
assistance to the Venetians; in the which service I spent about nine 
months, till the tempestuous season of the year forced me to return 
jnto harbour again. And, in this time of employment, I made five 
fights at sea, and two at land; being chosen, by lot, to invade the 
Turk's country, with a certain company of soldiers collected out of 
our fleet, to do some execution upon the borders of the. enemy, and 
to get some provision for our relief; in all which fights, tho' very 
perilous, God gave me the victory. The whole time I spent beyond 
the seas, before and after this employment, was almost four years, 
not staying long in any one place. But first I travelled to all the 
sea-towns of note for merchandising, to know the trade of the places, 
and the conveniency of their harbours, that I might be able to do 
some profitable service in merchant affairs. Also I travelled into 
several countries, and the most eminent cities and towns therein, viz. 
Egypt, Macedonia, Dalmatia, Calabria, Apuleia, Sicily, Assyria, 
Sclavonia, and some parts of Spain and Portugal; to the Islands of 
Cyprus, Candia, Patmos, and Delphos ; to Carthage, Corinth, 
Troy, and Constantinople; besides many other towns and places; 
but my longest abode was in Italy, and therein at Venice, Naples, 
Leghorn, Florence, Milan, Rome, Bottonia, Mantua, Genoa, &c. 
And at last, looking homeward, I came into France, taking a brief 
view of many eminent places in that kingdom. And at Paris I found 
many of my countrymen, of which, though some be persons of great 
quality, yet, God knoweth, they are in a low condition. And, 
now, I shall give a brief account of some of my observations, during 
the time of my abode beyond the seas. 

AT Paris, our countrymen live peaceably, and enjoy our religion 
** without disturbance. There is a place allowed them, with neces- 
sary accommodations for the exercise of religion. Dr. Steward did 
often preach to them; and, for their, form of worship, it is the same 

hat was formerly in England, with the Book of Common-Prayer, and 
the rites therein used; and also they continue the innovations that 
were practised by many of our clergy; as, bowing at the name of Jesus 
towards the altar, &c. which, I know, giveth offence to the good 
French protestants, who, to me, did often condemn those innovations 
Romish superstitions; doubtless, they would do our church and our 
relgion more credit there, if they did use less ceremony. As for the 
Frinch papists, truly they are more civil to them than was expected; 

otbe opmion of the world, where I have been, is but mean of that 


nation. And, I believe, the Italians may be their Cousin-Germans, 
for both of them are false and faithless enough. And this consideration 
(God having taken away Orlando, ray noble friend, who did always 
much countenance me) tiid lessen my affection to continue in that ser- 
vice; for my soldiers were all Italians, except a few Greeks; and I 
never saw much cause to be confident in their fidelity; but it was 
chiefly for fear of him, that thry were so tractable to me. 

As for religion, in most parts where 1 have been, it is generally the 
same with the church of Rome; bat for the Grecians, for amongst them. 
I was, they are neither pure protestants nor pure papists; I mean, nei- 
ther only protcstants, nor only papists, but their religion is a mixture 
of both; for, though they hold some fundamentals with us, yet they 
follow many of the Romish superstitioas ; and, according to my obser- 
vation, they follow more the religion of Rome, than the protestant 
church, and they are much poisoned with heresies. 

But of all nations, according to my observation, none are more zea- 
lous .for the religion of Rome than the Spaniards ; who, I think, for 
this, are more Romanists than the Romans themselves; for, with 
them, there is an Inquisition, and in Rome I never heard of the same 
dangerous snare*; there I had as much freedom, as I could desire; and 
more courtesy than I could expect, without any temptatiou to aposta- 
tise from my religion. 

As for the occurrences that I met with, they were many, but these 
four were the most considerable: 

First, The strangling of the great Turk, by the Janizaries, at which 
time there was great fear and trouble in Constantinople; but they 
inthroned his son, and this brought about a peaceable settlement; and 
with him there were cut off divers basha's heads; all whose heads, ex- 
cepting the great Turk's, lay three days in chargers before the palace- 
gate for the publick view ol the people, vvhich, chey say, is the custom 
for the noblemen that are beheaded. 

The next thing is, the flowing of the river Nile in Egypt, the man- 
ner whereof is this: it beginneth to flow about the fifteenth of June, 
every year; the people know the time thereof, and expect it accord- 
ingly ; and this is after their harvest, which is usually ended about the 
beginning of May. As for rain, there seldom falleih any in Egypt. 
During the time the river is up, all the country appeareth like islands. 
Their towns are seated upon hills, and their lower grounds are all 
covered with waters; and the inhabitants use small boats to pass from 
iplace to place about their affairs; and, because they know the yearly 
flowing of the Nile, they provide for the safety of their cattle till the 
waters are wasted away again. There arc also certain pillars of stone 
set up, with divers marks upon them, by which they know the degrees 
of the rising, and the usual heighth that the waters do ascend unto; 
and, if the waters do ascend above the highest mark, they do expect 
some strange consequence thereof. But the greatest wonder, is the pre- 
sent cessation of the plague upon the flowing of this river. There died 
some thousands of the plague, the day before the flowing of the Nile, 

There is an Inquisition at Rome, but not so rigorous. 

P 2 


in Grand Cairo, as they certified me; and, a day or two after, 
not one person died of the infection. This I observed, that the land is 
full of unhealthy fogs, mists, and vapours, which cause the disease; 
and it seems the waters of the Nile do purify it again. 

In the kingdom of Grand Cairo, alias, Pharaoh's town, is the city, 
and it is greater than any elsewhere I did behold ; but Memphis is the 
nearer city; and being there, I went to see the land of Goshon, where 
the Israelites did inhabit : this is a very pleasant and fruitful land for 
pasture, such as I have no where seen the like. At this time also, I 
had an opportunity to sec the Red-Sea, and the place where (as they 
informed me) the Israelites did enter their journey through the same; 
there also they shewed me the great mountains that inclosed them, 
when Pharaoh pursued them with his great army; and the hills where 
the two armies lay in sight of one another; and there I found the true 
reason why it is called the Red-Sea; not because the water is red natu- 
'. rally, but because the sand is red; and this was clear to me, by plain 
demonstration; for I put some of the water into a clean vessel, and 
there 1 did see it had the same colour of other water; but the sand is 
reddish, and giveth the same colour to the water. 

I shall omit many other things concerning Egypt ; only this, it is 
under the Turk's dominion, and the natives are his miserable slaves. 

Thirdly, you may e.xpcct some news from Rome, where also I was, 
and did behold their great solemnity, it being then the AnnoSaucto, as 
they there call it, that is, the Year of Jubilee. 

There I beheld the Pope in his glory, and how in great state he was 
carried about the city; the streets were thronged with the people; and, 
as he passed by, they made them even to ring with acclamations and 
rejoicings; he was carried by some eminent men, having a rich canopy 
over him. He made his crosses in the air with his fingers, and threw 
his blessings amongst them. And truly these delusions were so pre- 
vailing with the people, that (poor souls) they seemed to me to rejoice, 
as if Christ himself had been come to Rome, and brought them down 
the felicities of heaven. 

Atone time I beheld, in Naples (perhaps it will seem strange, but it 
is true) about fight-thousand pilgrims going to Rome, for their absolu- 
tion; all which the. Vice-Roy of Naples maintained three days at his 
own charge; and, on the fourth day, they did present themselves be- 
fore him at his palace in pilgrim weeds, riz. with leaden pictures of 
saints in their hats, and leather collars about their necks, which fell 
town half way over their arms, and their staves in their hands; and 
.thus they marched away from Naples, in the posture of an army to- 
wards Rome, and so farewel Rome: Fidi, satis est lidisse ; i.e. I have 
seen it, and that is enough. 

I omit to recite many other occurrences, which by conference I shall 
willingly communicate to my friends; they being too many to commit 
to writing: only now 3 

The fourth remarkable thing remaineth to present you withal; and 
that is, 

The proceedings of a great council of Jews assembled in the plain of 


Ageda in Hungary, about thirty leagues distant from Buda, to examine 
the Scriptures concerning Christ, on the twelfth of October, 1650. 

It hath been much desired by many honest Christians, that this nar- 
rative of the Jews council should be published, which I did intend 
only to communicate to private friends. The chief argument, by which 
they have persuaded me to do it. is, because they do conceive it to be 
a preparative, and hopeful sign of the Jews conversion; and, that k 
will be glad tidings to the church of Christ; and therefore I have 
yielded to satisfy their desires therein. And thus it was: 

At the place above-named, there assembled about three-hundred 
rabbies, called together from several parts of the world, to examine the 
Scriptures concerning Christ; and, it seems, this place was thought 
more convenient for this council, in regard that part of the country 
was not much inhabited, because of the continual wars between the 
Turk and the King of Hungary; where (as I was informed) they had 
fought two bloody battles; yet both princes, notwithstanding their own 
differences, did give leave to the Jews to hold their council there. 
And, for their accommodation there, the Jews did make divers tents 
for their repose, and had plenty of provisions brought them from other 
parts of the country, during the time of their sitting there. There was 
also one large tent, built only for the council to sit in, made almost 
four-square; the north and the south parts of it being not altogether so 
large as the east and west parts thereof. It had but one door, and that 
opened to the east; and, in the middle thereof, stood a little table and 
a stool for the propounder to sit on, with his face towards the door of 
the tent. The said propounder was of the tribe of Levi, and was 
named Zacharias; and within this tent round about were placed divers 
forms for the consulters to sit on. It was also inclosed with a rail, that 
stood a distance from it, to prevent entrance to all strangers, and to all such 
Jews as could not prove themselves to be Jews by record, or could not 
dispute in the Hebrew tongue, which many had forgotten, who lived in 
such countries, where they are not allowed their synagogues, as in 
France, Spain, and those parts of Italy that do belong to the King of 
Spain, viz. the kingdom of Naples, with the province of Calabria, and 
Apuleia; the kingdom of Sicily, and Sardinia; in which places, if a 
Jew be found, and he deny the popish religion, he is in danger to be 
condemned, and executed for it; and yet profit and benefit allureth 
them to dwell in those countries, notwithstanding their fears and dan- 
gers; and themselves arc willing to forget and so neglect to teach their 
children their native* language, rather than they will lose their oppor- 
tunity of profit; and some have burnt the ancient records of their tribe 
and family, that they might not be discovered by searching, or other- 
wise. And for this defect, that they could not prove their tribe or 
family, they were not permitted to come within the rail, but were com- 
manded to remain without, with the strangers that remained there, to 
see the issue of their proceeding, which were above three thousand per* 
sons; and they were for the most part of them Germans, Almnins, Dal- 

* Original. 

f 3 


matians, and Hungarians, with some Greeks, but few Italians, and 
not one Englishman that I could hear of besides myself. 

I was informed, that the King of Hungary, not favouring the reformed 
religion, did give no encouragement to any protestarft churches, to 
send any divines thither; but he did alloA-, that some assistants should 
be sent from Rome; and their coming thither did prove a great unhap- 
piness to this hopeful council. 

When the assembly did first meet, they spent some time in their mu- 
tual salutations; and, as their manner is, they kissed one the other's 
cheek, expressing much joy for their happy meeting; and all things 
being provided for their accommodation, they considered of the Jews 
that were to be admitted members of this council; and they were only 
allowed to be members, which could by record prove themselves to be 
native Jews*; and, for defect herein, I observed above three-hundred 
refused; though, doubtless, they were true-born Jews, yet they could 
not by record prove themselves so to be; and for this they were not 
admitted to be members of the council; but they did abide without the 
rail with the strangers that were there; and the number of them, that 
w<re accepted to be members, was about three-hundred Jews. And 
this was all that was done the first day. 

On the second day, the assembly being full, the propounder stood 
up, and made his speech concerning the end of their meeting: and, 
4 this, said he, is to examine the Scriptures, concerning Christ f, whe- 
ther he be already come, or whether we are yet to expect his coming.' 
In examining this question, they searched the Old Testament with great 
care and labour, to be resolved of the truth thereof, having many Bibles 
with them there for this end. And about this point there were great 
disputes amongst them. The major part were of opinion, that he was 
not come; and some inclined to think, that he was come ; being moved 
thereunto by their great judgment {, that hath continued now this l6'OO 
years upon them. 

I remember very well, one of the council, in his conference with 
me, seemed to be very apprehensive of the great and long desolation of 
their nation, ever since their destruction 'by the Roman emperors; 
and he imputed this their affliction to their impenitency, and compar- 
ing their present judgment with their other judgments they had suffered 
before. The same he ingenuously confessed, that he did conceive it 
was for some great wickedness; and that their nation was guilty of the 
blood of the prophets sent from God to their nation, and the many 
massacres that have been committed by the several sects and factions 
amongst them. For, said he, we are no idolaters, neither do I think 
we were guilty of idolatry since our captivity in Babylon ; and there- 
fore, said he, I do impute this our calamity and present judgment to 
the, torcnaracd causes.' And this is the sum of that which was disputed 
amongst them, the second day of their meeting; and so they adjourned 
1 the next morning, which was th third day of their meeting. 

Jews ky original record or eenealo-v 
+ 'Hi. MrSMuh. 

^^~- a " d ** bei * * vagabond-peopie .ver sine, tte 


When, being assembled together again, the point that was chiefly agi- 
tated was concerning the manner of Christ's coming. And, this, some 
said, shall be like a mighty prince, in the full power and authorily of a 
King, yea, in greater power than ever any King had ; and that he will 
deliver their nation out of the power of their enemies, and their temple 
shall be rebuilt again ; and that the nations shall be of their religion, 
and worship God after their manner. For they hold, that the Messiah 
will not alter their religion, whensoever he cometh. And further, con- 
cerning his parentage, they did agree in this, that he should be 'born of a 
virgin,' according to the prediction of the prophets ; and they agreed also, 
that he may be born of such a virgin, which might be of mean note 
.amongst their nation, as was the Virgin Mary. And here some of them 
seemed to me to incline to think, that Christ was come. Therefore when 
they came together again the next day, the propounder demanded of 
them, if Christ was already come ? And who they thought he was ? And 
to this demand they gave this answer, that'they thought Elijah was he, 
if he was come, because became with great power, which he declared by 
slaying the priests of Baal; and, for the fulfilling of the scripture, he 
was oppressed by Ahab and Jezabel ; yet they esteemed him to be more 
than a mortal man, because he so strangely ascended up into heaven. 
And, because this opinion was contradicted by others, the day following, 
they took into examination the same question, to answer them that said 
Elijah was not the Messiah. They of the contrary opinion did urge 
the care and love of Elijah, for the good of their nation, in that he left 
them Elisha, his disciple to teach and instruct the people; which they 
expect to be the care of their Messiah, These were the chief argu- 
ments they had to defend their opinion ; and, the same day towards 
night, it came into question amongst them, ' What he then was that said 
he was the son of God, and was crucified by their ancestors.' And be- 
cause this was the great question amongst them, they deferred the fur- 
ther consideration thereof, until the next day. 

When, meeting again, the pharisees (for some of this sect were amongst 
them, that were always the enemies of Christ) they first began to answer 
this last night's question; and these by no means would yield that he 
was the Christ; and these reasons they gave for their opinion. 

First, because (said they) he came into the world like an ordinary and 
inferior man, not with his scepter, nor royal power; wherewith they 
affirmed the coming of Christ should be glorious. 2. They pleaded 
against him the meanness of his birth, in that his father was a carpen- 
ter ; and this they said was a dishonour, that Christ should not be ca- 
pable of. 3. They accused him to be an enemy to Moses's law, in suf- 
fering his disciples, and in doing works himself, that were prohibited 
on the sabbath-day ; for they believe that the Messiah will punctually 
and exactly keep the law of Moses; and where the gospel doth testify 
of Christ, that he did fulfil the law, they reject the testimony thereof, 
because they do not own the gospel. But 1 observed, these reasons of 
the Pharisees did not satisfy all that heard them, but there still remain- 
ed some doubt in some of them concerning Christ; for there stood up one 
rabbi called Abraham, and objected against the Phaiisees the miracles 
that Christ wrought, whilst he was upon earth, as his raising of the dead 

P 4 


to life again, his making the lame to walk, the blind to see, and the 
dumb to speak. And the same Abraham demanded of the Pharisees, 
by what power he did those miracles r The answer, the Pharisees re- 
turned to him was to this purpose: They said he was an impostor, and 
a magiciita; and blasphemously traduced him of doing all his miracles 
by magick : Thus, said they, he first caused them to be blind, to be 
dumb, to be lame ; and then, by taking away his magical charm, they 
\vcre restored to their former condition. Nevertheless, this answer gave 
little satisfaction to the said Abraham ; but thus he replied, that he 
could not charm those that were born in that condition, as, blind, &c. 
and born also before Christ himself was born ; as it appeareth some of 
them were: This seemed to him an absurd paradox; and truly the 
pressing of this argument did almost put them to a nonplus, till at last 
they had this evasion (though weak and vile) they were, said they, by 
other magicians convinced to be so in their mothers wombs; and that, 
although himself was not then born when they were born with these 
evils, yet he being a great dissembler, and more cunning than any magi- 
cian before him, po%ver was given him, by the devil, to remove those 
charms, which others had placed ; and there was one Pharisee named 
Zebedee, that of the Pharisees there did most opprobriously revile him, 
and vehemently urge these things against him ; but I conceive he did 
it not to the well-liking of many there that heard him, even members of 
the council. And as the Pharisees that day played their parts against 
him ; so did the Sadducees also endeavour (for some of that sect were 
also of the council) to render Christ vil,c and odious to the rest of the 
Jews that were assembled there. I observed it was with them as it was 
once with Herod and Pilate; though they two could not agree betwixt 
themselves at other times, yet they could agree together to crucify 
Christ; for the Pharisees and Sadducees, though they be, much divided 
in opinion among themselves, yet did they at this time. too much agree 
to disgrace and dishonour Christ with; their lyes, calumnies, and bias* 
phemies; for the Sadducees, as well as Pharisees, did in other things 
accuse him for a grand impostor, and fora broacheroi corrupt doctrine ; 
in that in his gospel he teacheth the resurrection from the dead, which 
they there denied to be true doctrine; but it is no new thing to see fac- 
tions dissenting, to agree in some evil design against others, as I found it 
by experience ; being at Rome in the y-ear 1650, which was the year of 
their jubilee, there was a great strife between the Jesuits and the Friars 
<jf the order of St. Dominick, both which were against the protestants; 
and although their diftcrences have been, by the care and vigilance of 
the Pope, so smothered, that the world hath not taken much notice 
thereof, yet this fire broke out into a (lame greater than ever it was be- 
fore (as they certified me there) both by publick disputing?, and by bit- 
ter writings one against another, opening the vices and errors of one" ano- 
ther * faction, thus seeking to disgrace one the other; which caused the 
Pope to threaten to excommunicate the authors of all such black and li* 
Ix-llcus hooks, that did tend to the dishonour of his clergy and religion, 
to make them infamous to the world. But this by the way. 

\Ve are now come to the seventh and last day of their co'uncil and, 
en this day, (his was the main quere amongst them : ' If Christ be come, 

4 1 


then what rules and orders hath he left his church to walk by ?' This 
was a great question among them ; and because they did not believe the 
New Testament, nor would be guided by it, they demanded some other 
instruction to. direct and guide them, in this point; thereupon six of the 
Roman clergy (who of purpose were sent from Rome by the Pope, to * 
assist in this council) were called in, viz. two Jesuits, two friars of the or-, 
der of St. Augustine, and two of the order of St. Francis; and these, 
being admitted into the council, began to open unto them the rules and 
doctrine of the holy church of Home (as they call it) which church 
they magnified to them, for the holy catholick church of Christ, and 
their doctrine to be the infallible doctrine of Christ, and their rules to 
be the rules, which the apostles left to the church for ever to be obser- 
ved, and that the Pope is the holy vicar of Christ, and the successor of 
St. Peter; and for instance, in some particulars, they affirmed the real 
presence of Christ in the sacrament, the religious observation of their 
holy days, the invocation of saints, praying to the Virgin Alary, and her 
commanding power in heaven over her son ; the holy use of the cross 
and images, with the rest of their idolatrous and superstitious worship; 
all which they commended to the assembly of the Jews, for the doc- 
trine and rules of the apostles. But, as soon as the assembly had heard 
these things from them, they were generally and exceedingly troubled 
thereat, and fell into high clamours against them, and their religion, cry- 
ing out, ' No Christ, no woman-god, no intercession of saints, no worship- 
ing of images, no praying to the Virgin Mary, &c.' Truly their trouble 
hcreat was so great, that it troubled me to see their impatience; they 
rent their cloalhs, and cast dust upon their heads, and cried out aloud, 
blasphemy, blasphemy ! and, upon this, the council broke up: Yet the j 
assembled again the eighth day; and all that was done then, was to 
agree upon another meeting of their nation three years after, which was 
concluded upon before their final dissolution. 

1 do believe there were many Jews there, that would have been per- 
suaded to own the Lord Jesus; and this I assure you for a truth, and it 
is for the honour of our religion, and the encouragement of our divines, 
one eminent Rabbi there did deliver his opinion, in conference with me, 
that he at first feared that those, which were sent from Rome, would 
cause an unhappy period to their council ; and professed to me, that he 
much desired the presence of some Protestant divines, and especially of 
our English divines, of whom he had a better opinion than of any other 
divines in the world ; for he did believe that we have a great love to 
their nation; and this reason he gave me for their good opinion of our 
divines, because he understood that they did ordinarily pray for the 
conversion, of their nation; which he did acknowledge to be a great to- 
ken of our love towards them ; and, especially he commended the mi- 
nisters of London, for excellent preachers, and for their charity towards 
tlieir nation; of whom he had heard a great fame. As for the church 
of Rome, they account it an idolatrous church, and therefore will not 
own their religion; and, by conversing with the Jews, I found that they 
iiencrally think that then' is no other Christian religion in the world, but 
rliatofthe church of Rome ; and for Rome's idolatry, thi-y 
;ill Christian religion ; by which it appeared that Koine is the 
<?iH-mv uf the Jt-\vs corm-rsion. 


For the place of the Jews next meeting, it is probable it will be in 
Sviia in which country I also was, and did there converse with the sect 
of theWhabites, living in Syria; they still observe their old customs 
and rules; they neither sow, nor plant, nor build houses ; but I 
tent, and often remove from one place to another, with their whole fa- 
wily, bag and baggage. And swing I find that, by the Italian tongue, 
I can converse with the Jews, or any other nation, in all the parts of the 
world, where 1 have been; if God give me an opportunity, 1 shall wil- 
linoly attend their next council. The good Lord prosper it. Amen 





At Edinburgh, on Tuesday, the2\st of May Instant. 

With his last speech, carriage, and most remarkable passages upon the 
scaffold . AUo a letter out of Ireland, more fully, concerning the 
taking of Clonmell. 

London, printed by E. Griffin, in the Old Bailey, May twenty-eighth, l650. 
Quarto, containing eight pages. 


'VTOTWITHSTANDING the great hubbub this place is in at the be- 
1-^1 heading of Montross, I shall give you a short account of affairs ; 
On Saturday last Montross came hither; he was received at the 
end of the town by the bailiffs, and set upon a high cart, and tied 
with a rope, his hat being before taken off by the hangman, and the 
hangman riding upon a rilly-horse, with his bonnet on, and a staff in his 
hand, and thus he was brought up, through the town j several persons 
have been with him, and upon discourse he told them, that, for 
personal offences, he hath deserved all this, but justifies his cause; he 
caused a new suit to be made for himself, and came yesterday into the 
parliament-house, with a scarlet rocket, and a suit of pure cloth, all 
laid with rich lace, a beaver, and a rich hatband, and scarlet silk-stock- 
ings. The chancellor made a large speech to him, discovering how much 
formerly he was for the covenant, and how he hath since broke it. He 
desired to know, whether he might be free to answer; and being admit- 


ted, he told them his cause was good and that, he had not only a com- 
mission, but particular orders for what he had done, from his Majesty, 
which he was engaged to be a servant to, and they also had professed to 
comply with ; and upon that account, however they dealt with him, 
yet he would own them to be a true parliament. And he further told 
them, that if they would takeaway his life, the world knew he regarded 
it not; it was a debt that must once be paid, and that he was willing, 
and did much rejoice, that he must go the same way his Majesty did, 
and it was the joy of his heart, not only to do but to suffer for him. 
His sentence was, to be hanged upon a gallows thirty feet high, three 
hours at Edinburgh-cross ; to have his head struck off, and hanged up- 
on Edinburgh tollbooth, and his arms and legs to be hanged up in other 
publick towns in the kingdom, as Glascow, &c.and his body to be bu- 
ried at the common burying-place, in case his excommunication from 
the kirk were taken off, or else to be buried where those are buried that 
are hanged. All the time while sentence was giving, and also when he 
was executed, he seemed no way to be altered, or his spirit moved, but 
his speech was full of composure, and his carriage as sweet as ever I 
saw a man in all my days. When they bid him kneel, he told them he 
would, he was willing to observe any posture, that might manifest his 
obedience, especially to them who were so near in conjunction with his 
Majesty. It is absolutely believed, that he hath gained more by his 
death, than ever he did in his life. The Scots are listing forces here, 
and have named their officers ; they intend to make up their army twen- 
ty-five thousand, they are very much startled at the marching of th 
English arroy northwards. By the next you shall hear further from 

H. P. 

Edinburgh, May 21, l?6o. 

Further by another express from Edinburgh of the same date, thus : 

YESTERDAY, after the sentence was pronounced against Montross, 
he said, That tho' he was cried out against for a bloody man, yet h* 
Tiever committed any act of cruelty, nor took away any man's life, but 
in an hostile way. 

After he came to the place of execution, having been so used as be- 
fore, he spoke to this purpose to one that was near him : You see what 
compliments they put upon me, but I never took more delight in all 
my life, in riding in a coach, than I did in this manner of passage to 
this place. 

His late declaration and the history of his transactions were tied at 
his back, when he was hanged, but he would have nothing to do with the 
ministers who stood at the end of the scaffold. 

The places where Montross's quarters are to be set up, are, Glascovr, 
Sterling, Perth, alias St. Johnson, aud Aberdeen. 


A letter out of Ireland, more fully concerning the taking of Clonmell t 


THIS day we entered Clonmell, which was quit by the enemy the 
last night, about nine of the clock, after a tedious storm, which con- 
tinuedfour hours. Our men kept close to the breach, which they had 
entered, all the time, save only one accidental retreat in the storm. 
We lost in this service Colonel Cullum, and some other officers, with 
divers private soldiers, and some others wounded. The enemy had 
made many great prcpartions within, by a traverse or cross work, and 
so beat our men off, as they entered; but afterwards many of them stole 
out of the town, and left some few, with the inhabitants, to make con- 
ditions. In the morning, our forces pursued and killed all they could 
light upon. '1 he town is a very strong place, and I hope the getting of 
this garison will be of good use for the gaining of others, which de- 
pended upon this. The English under Ormond and Inchequeen are 
come in, and as many as desired had passes to go beyond seas, and tke 
rest have leave to live quiet at home. I am 

Clonmell, May Your affectionate friend, 

10, 1650. W. A. 

For Argyle's Last Will, See VOL. n. p. 508. 

Tke Process and Pleadings* 



Resident for the parliament of England, and of John Baptista Riva, his 
interpreter, who were killed by John Guillim, William Spark,. Va- 
lentine Progers, Jo. Halsal, William Arnet, and Henry Progers. 
\N ho are all in close prison in Madrid for the said fact, except Henry 
Progi-rs, who fled to the Venetian ambassador's house, and so 
escaped. Sent from Madrid from a person of quality and made 

London, printed by William Dngard, printer to the council of state, 1651. 
Quarto, containing twenty pagts. 

To his truly honoured friend Sir W. Butler, Knieht. 

YOUR desires to me are equivalent to decrees, which I shall be 
always ready to put in execution, as far as I can, and never be found 

This is the 38th Number in th. Catalog of rl, r h!et 5 in the Harlem Library. 


in contempt: therefore, according to the contents of your last, I have 
sent you by this post the plea, concerning the English gentlemen that 
are under close restraint here in the King's Prison, for the death of Mr. 
Ascham, and your old acquaintance John Baptista Riva, his interpre- 
ter. We cannot conjecture yet what will become of them, for the 
church stands firm for them; and you well knotf what predominant 
influence* the church hath in this clime. 

The Lord Cottington and Sir Edward Hyde are parted, and departed 
from this court, the first to Valladolid, the other for Flanders; and 
since that time Mr. Fisher appears abroad in some lustre with his coach 
and lacquies, whereas, before, he kept retired and invisible. Catalonia 
is like to be reduced this summer, for there are mighty forces both bj 
land and sea, to that purpose. 

No more but that I am always 

Madrid, this Sth of May, Your ready and most real servant, 

1651. R.W. 

The whole discourse analysed. 
This plea doth partition itself into sundry particulars. 

FIRST, The manner and circumstance of the fac,t is punctually 
related, with the names and distinction of the actors. 

Secondly, The atrocity and heinousness of the fact is aggravated, 
being committed upon the person of a publick minister of state, viz. 
the ambassador or resident of England, whose person should merit more 
particular respect in the catholick court, in regard of the precedencies 
which were always given in England to the Spanish ambassadors. 

Thirdly, Divers testimonies are produced how that the persons and 
office of ambassadors are sacred, &c. 

Fourthly, It is proved that this publick minister had the safe con- 
duct, and consequently the protection of his Catholick Majesty; which 
makes the offence reflect upon him, and is punishable by his own royal 
justice, and so the delinquents are not to be transmitted elsewhere for 
their punishment. 

Fifthly, A parallel betwixt the death of Ascham and Abner, who 
had King David's safe conduct. 

Sixthly, The holy church cannot protect so proditorious a murther, 
as it is proved by forcible reasons. 

Seventhly, Important arguments for a sudden execution of justice 
upon the otfenders, &c. 

The learned and elaborate charge of Dr. Don Augustin de Hif-rro, 
Knight of the Order of Calatrava, and Fiscal, or attorney-general, 
of the council-royal, against Don John Guillim, William Spark, 
Valentine Progers, William A met, and Jo. Halsal, Englishmen, who 
say they are, and are detained in the Royal Prison of this court, for 


baving traiterously, and upon prepense malice, killed Anthony 
Ascham, ambassador, or resident of the parliament of England, who 
came and entered into this court by virtue of the sate conduct of the 
King our Lord, who.n God preserve, and John Baptista Riva, a 
Genoese, being interpreter, or secretary of the said resident. The 
immunity of the church, which they pretend, cannot avail them, nor 
ought the plea of that immunity hinder the imposing and executing 
upon the said delinquents the punishment that corresponds with their 
offences, as will be proved in the ensuing charge. 

The accusation or charge. 

l.'T'HE disaster and death of Charles Stuart, King of England, hap- 
-1- pened the ninth of February, N. S. 1649. The parliament of 
England, governing the kingdom afterwards, sent an ambassage to the 
King our Lord, whom God guard; and Besoldus saith, that quid belli 
Ducibus Gubernatoribusque pravmciarutn liberis mittuntur, sunt Legaii. 
Those, who from generals of war and free governors of provinces are 
sent any where, are ambassadors. I could produce a cloud of authors 
upon this argument, who treat of, and declare, who have capacity to 
send ambassadors, as the Earl of Fontanar, Don Christoval de Bene- 
vente, in his Advertencies to Princes and Ambassadors; the Disserta- 
tions of Don John Vella, Conrado Bruno, and the Count Don Juan 
Antonio de Vera in his book, called, The Ambassador, do amply aver: 
but whether the person sent lately by the parliament of England was an 
ambassador or agent, or resident, as the delinquents teim him, or most 
properly an orator, for he came to deprecate peace; whether he was 
all these, or any of these, it matters not; for any of these may stile 
him a legate, and make him deserve that title; and the same security 
is due to all those titles, as Hotoman upon his theme resolves the point, 
with others. 

2. This ambassador, or 'resident, sent by the parliament of Eng- 
land, called Anthony Ascham, arrived at the Bay of Calais the twenty- 
fourth of March, 1650, with an interpreter, and three or four ser- 
vants; and not meeting there with the Duke of Medina Celi, he went 
in quest of him to the port Santa Maria, and did let him know that he 
was sent by the parliament of England, in quality of an agent to the 
court of Spain. 'I he duke lodged him thereupon, and according to his 
accustomed attention and prudence, by which he always operates, sent 
to tell him, that in regard it was the first negotiation between Spain 
and the parliament of England, he could do nothing in the business, 
till he had first given an account to his Majesty, as he did the twenty- 
seventh of March, which came to Madrid, the second of April, and 
the same day the King referred the letter to his council; and the fourth 
of April, there was order sent to the duke, to treat him as resident, and 
see him conveighed to the court accordingly in safety. The twentieth 
of April, the resident, having been sick before, began his journey, 
being accompanied by the camp-master, Don Diego de Moreda, and 
the second of June they came to Toledo, whence the camp-master sent 


io the court for further order; and order was sent that he should pur- 
sue his journey, and that the resident might take a house where he 
pleased in the court. So they arrived at court the Sunday following at 
five in the evening; and Monday next after, at six in the morning, 
John Baptista Riva, who was, he said, a Genoese, went in company of 
a servant of the camp-master, to Hieronymo de la Torre, knight of the 
order of Calatrava, and secretary of state; the said hiva complained of 
the illness and incommodity of the lodging: but when the resident and 
his train lighted at their lodging, it was observed there passed by some 
that went muffled, thereabouts, who were over-heard to say, essos son, 
these are they; so Riva delivered the secretary two letters from the par- 
liament, saying that the resident came under the protection of his Ma- 
jesty. The secretary answered, that they had done ill, not to have 
given account at the very point of their arrival; the resident being the 
person he was, and being in the catholick court he was secure enough; 
and he would advertise his Majesty of his coming accordingly, which 
he did within a quarter of an hour, charging the camp-master's servant, 
that he should tell his master, to continue in assisting the resident; but 
an hour and half before this, the fore-mentioned delinquents did pro- 
ditoriously, out of prepense malice, murther the said resident, and the 
said John Baptista Riva, according to the circumstances, which shall 
follow. Now these men well knew, that the said resident came to 
treat of peace, and they spontaneously confess they knew it, and that 
he entered into this court, by order from his Majesty, and with hi* 
passport; so that, besides the treachery and malice of the act, they 
committed capital treason, crinien ICCSK Majeptatis in primo capite. Now 
for every offence there is a corresponding punishment, and for this cer- 
tainly there is undoubted pain of death; therefore they have made 
themselves unworthy of the immunity of the church, which they pre- 

The business briefly doth branch itself into two articles: 
First, The grievousness of the delict is to be considered, and the qua- 
lity of the person upon whom it was committed, one, who had a safe 
conduct from his Majesty; therefore it is crimcn lassa Majtstatis, and 
perpetrated in a most treacherous and malicious manner. 

Secondly, The church cannot give them sai.-ctuary, therefore the 
pain of death is to be executed upon them according to the merit of 
the delict; in declaring the circumstances whereof I will leave all cu- 
riosities, and go to the pinch of the business, without extending myself 
to any extravagant impertincncies. 

The First Article. 

Touching the necessity and utility of ambassies, Resold us prosecutes 
this subject at large, together with Pascalio Benavente and Marseilaert, 
in their learned dissertations. But Pedro JEiodo may be said to com- 
prehend all, in these elegant words : ' Legatorum munus perquam utile 
tat, ac perquam necessarhim, nam sine Us necfcedera iniri possunt, nee 
belli leges pacisq ; did; inimicitix essent immortales, insidioe, cedes, 
ubiq; essent.' The function of ambassadors is both profitable and ne- 
cessary, for without them tfecre can no confederation be made, nor any 


Jaws of peace or war enacted; enmities would prove immortal, slaugh- 
terings, perfidiousness; deceit and combustions would be every where. 
Thislo necessary and profitable a ministry was justly called, Santo 
officio y ministerio de los Angelas, the holy office and ministry of angels ; 
and the persons of those, who did exercise it, were held for sacred in 
all men's opinions. Sancti habebantur legati, eorumq ; corpora sancta 
tunt. Ambassadors were held holy, and their bodies holy, saith Mar- 
cus Varro; therefore they should be protected from all human injury. 
Cicero also saith, ' Sentiojus legatorum turn hominum prcesidio munitum 
csse, turn ctiam dvcino jure -cullatum :' I hold the right of ambassadors 
not only to be fortified with human safe-guard, but intrenched with 
divine safety; I could muster up a whole squadron of authors, both 
modern and ancient, upon this subject, especially King Don Alonso, 
who makes this security of ambassadors his own, and defends it so; 
and this security is due to any ambassador, though he be suspected 
and false, as friar Don Goncalez resolves the point in his History of 
China; and Besoldus also; and although the said ambassador come to 
deceive and collude, or that he be an enemy, yet having a safe conduct, 
he is to be protected, as the Count de la Roca saith, ' Fides enim, 
quando promittitur, etiam hosti sertanda est contra quern bcllurn gcritur, 
quanta ma gis amico pro quo pugnatur' And if this security be due to 
an ambassador, that comes to intrap, yea, to an enemy, how much 
more to an English friend, in whose country the ambassador of Spain 
hath, and always hath had the pre-eminence of the ambassadors of all 
other princes? 

Now that England should still be our friend, in statu quo mine, and 
that peace should be continued with her, proceeds from right ; for 
peace is not only made with the King, but with the kingdom also, and, 
although the first expires, the last remains. For, put the case that a 
peace be concluded with a country, without including the King, either 
by carelessness, or some other accident, yet the peace stands good ; for 
so the Polish magistrates answered the Emperor Ferdinand the Second, 
faltandoclRey, se ccnsercan con el reyno : the King failing, yet peace 
is to be conserved with the kingdom. So Bodin holds, and urgeth a 
pn-gnant example to this purpose, Lib. de Repvb. cap. iv.fol. 63. where 
he alledgeth the answer which the ambassadors of France made to Ed- 
ward the Fourth, King of England, desiring aid from France against 
some rising subjects of his, by virtue of the league between them ; 
which answer was, ' That the King of France could not help him: for 
confederations betwixt France and England were made betwixt the 
.ings and Kingdoms; so that, though King Edward was dispossessed 
thereof, yet the league and amity remained still with the kingdom, and 
the kjng regnant.' Just so the peace betwixt the Kings and ting- 
Spain with England, though Charles Stuart, the King, be 
ng, yet it may be kept intire with the kingdom: and his Majesty 
him: insinuates so much unto us, continuing still his ambassador in 
bngland; for, when a peace is established betwixt Kings and kingdom, 
*?ople, persons, and vassals, though the King fail, and the kingdom 
ceive a differing form of government, yet the peace holds goodwill, 
because it aimed principally at the people and persons of both nations; 


and upon these terms the peace was renewed betwixt Spain and Eng- 
land, 1630, as the French Mercury relates. 

Therefore these delinquents failed much in the foresaid reverence due 
to the sacred persons of ambassadors, as also to the safe conduct of hi* 
Majesty, by laying violent hands upon his person, much more by mur- 
dering him. Joab did treacherously kill Abner, who came with Da- 
vid's safe conduct; whereupon David said to all the people that were 
with him, Seindite vestimenta vestra, and, reinforcing his sorrow, Le* 
vanit David vocem suam, etfavit super tumulum Abner, jlevit autem et 
omnis populus ; David lifted up his voice upon Abner's tomb, and wept,, 
yea, all the people wept: moreover, David erected a tomb for Abner, 
being so treacherously killed, notwithstanding that he had his safe con- 
duct, and the privilege of an ambassador. The" Romans raised statues 
to ambassadors that were killed. Interfecto legato stutua debetur, saith. 
Besoldus, through all his Chapter of Legations. 

Moreover, it is observable that David did not only weep, but he 
burst out into this deprecation, Si ante occasum solis gust aver o panem vet 
aliud quidquam; If, before the setting of the sun, I taste bread, or any 
thing else, &c. Now, this sorrow of David did much please the peo- 
ple, Populus audivit, et placuerunt Us cuncta qu< fecerat rex in conspectw 
tothts popvli; as the holy text hath it, The people heard, and were 
pleased with every thing that David did. 

Here it is to be observed, that the people were to be satisfied herein 
nor was a bare sorrow only satisfactory for this murder, but a due pu- 
nishment must expiate the offence, which, in regard that David himself 
could not do it in his life-time, he Jeft it in his charge to his son Solo- 
mon, in these words : fades ergo juxta sapientiam tuam, et effudit san- 
guinem belli in pace; Thou shall do according to thy own wisdom (ex- 
aggerating his speech with a reason) and he shed the blood of war in 

So his Catholick Majesty (God guard him) hath done out of a resent- 
ment he had of this treacherous murder, by recommending the business 
to so great a tribunal : Facietis ergo juxta sapientiam vestram, ejfudit 
sanguinem belli inpace ; proceed according to your own high prudence, 
by punishing these delinquents, who have murdered the ambassador of 
the parliament of England* though he came with a royal passpoit, and 
so shed the blood of war in time of peace. 

Moreover, this death of the ambassador, by hindering the procedure 
of his ambassy, is no single offence, but it reflects upon many. As 
the great civilian saith, Si quis autem legationem impedit, non unius, sed 
multorum profectum aver tit, et sicut mult is nocet, ft, mnltis arguendus est. 
Whosoever shall impede, an ambassy, he averts not the benefit of one 
man, but of many, and, as he hurts many, so he is to be argued by 
many. Now, many are the accusers of these men; many are interested 
in the business, and most especially the King, our liege lord, who gave 
a passport, and allowed of the ambassador, and of the parliament of 
England that sent him : therefore these men had need to have many lives 
to lose, for to satisfy so many whom the business concerns; so Maga- 
lotti hath it, that the punishment is to be double, in regard of the per-" 
sons concerned. 

voj.. vi, ft 


But hence may result a question, whether the punishment be to be 
inflicted where the delict was perpetrated, and the King's security vio- 
lated, or whether the murderers be to be sent to the ambassador's mas- 
ter, whom he represents? This was an old difference betwixt Romulus 
and Tacius, who reigned together, as Pedro iErodo relates the business 
briefly, yet elegancy. Romulus was of opinion, that the offenders 
were to be sent to the ambassador's master. But this transfering of the 
offender to the party offended was always held to proceed rather from 
urbanity than justice, as it appears in the case of Rincon and Fregoso, 
which is amply related in the annals of the Emperor Charles the Fifth; 
ii was a loud clamorous business, whereof all the corners of Christen- 
dom do ring, and every chronicler hath it, therefore I will not molest 
you with so trite a thing. 

Tacius was of a diffeiing sentiment; for he would have the delict to 
be punished where it was perpetrated; and the reasons, which the doc- 
tors give, are, because the lord of the territory is the more interested, 
mid obliged to punish the offence on the party, to vindicate his own 
wrongs, as in this cause hisCatholick Majesty is most injured, because 
his royal passport is violated ; and why should he have recourse to a 
foreign power to desire justice, when, by the law of nations, he may 
avenge the affront at home by his own? And, it is most fitting, they 
should receive punishment in this court rather than any where else, 
where, in regard of the greatness of our King, there are continually so 
many ambassadors residing, whose security may be much confirmed by 
the exemplary punishment of these delinquents, and, in particular, the 
very ambassadors of England themselves, who are sojourning here now, 
though opposites to the dead ambassador, in regard of the dissensions 
now in England; all which must be done by a just infliction of punish- 

But the delinquents think to escape, by the immunities of the church 
where they fled, and sheltered themselves from so grievous and atrocious 
a crime, aggravated by so many circumstances, by so many accusers 
and interested persons; nor, according to their defence, do they con- 
fess to have committed any offence or sin at all, but they vaunt to have 
performed an heroick act. Now, it is a rule, that Jactantia aggravat 
pcccatwn; boasting of mischief makes the sin the worse. St. Augustin, 
in defining sin, saith, that it is Dictum, fact urn, vel coucupitum contra 
If gem teternam; a thing spoken, done, or wished against the eternal 
law. Him followed Thomas Aquinas; and, citing Gregorio de Valen- 
tia, Father Granados pursueth the opinion, and Vasquez. Sin also is 
defined Transgressio Icgis, a transgression of the law: now the delict of 
murder is opposite to all laws, both divine and ^luman; as also to vio- 
late the security of an ambassador, much more to murder, is con- 
demned by all laws of heaven and eartK; therefore this can be no other 
than a delict, and much more precisely a sin, and a sin non nominal) - 
rfw, an infandous sin, much less an heroick action, or exploit of 

The second article. 

That these delinquents cannot make themselves capable of the pro- 
tection of any sanctuary, will be justified by two mediums, in form of 
a syllogising argument. 


He who commits Crimen I&SCK majestatis, a crime of high treason, 
cannot have the protection of the church. 

But these delinquents have committed a crime of high treason. 

Ergo, They cannot have the protection of the church. 

The second argument is of no less force. 

He who commits a treacherous murder, cannot have the protection 
of the church. 

But these delinquents have committed a treacherous murder. 

Ergo, They cannot have the benefit of the church. 

For proof of the first, Ambrosinus's, Bosius's, and Julius Clarus's opi- 
nions are clear; Gambacarta, Diana, and others concur with them ; 
among other high-treasons, they instance in killing the King's eldest son, 
his brother, or any of the race royal ; or the King's wife (because she is 
the one half of him) or a privy-counsellor of his, &c. as also, he who vio- 
lates the King's salvo conducto, whereon they insist much. Now, 
touching that large bull of Gregory the Fourteenth, touching the im- 
munities of the church, it is the opinion of all the civil doctors on this 
side the Alps, that it is not available in all provinces ; nay, it hath 
been petitioned against by divers; and to this day is not put generally 
in practice. They are the words of Evia de Bolanos in his Curia Filip- 
pica. It was petitioned against in Portugal ; nor could this bull take 
footing in Spain, which never had such exorbitant privileges, but obser- 
ved the common canonical right, which makes more for the reve- 
rence of the church. And whereas it may be alledged, that the said 
safe conduct was not to be observed by the said delinquents, because 
it was not published, and that it binds only from that time; whereas 
it may be alledged also, that the King's safe conduct is only by royal 
letters, or some publick instrument, all this is of little or no validity at 
all ; for the delinquents voluntarily confess, that they had notice, by let- 
ters from England, that this resident was come to treat of peace, and 
correspond with Spain. The delinquents, besides, may aver, that the 
observation of this salvo conducto did not aim at them, being no vassal^ 
here: But this argument is of little vigour likewise; for all people, 
whether vassals, or not vassals, are obliged to observe the laws, in th 
territories of that prince 'where they sojourn ; and, if this law takes hold 
on the natural vassals of any country, much more on strangers, who 
must not be encouraged, by any immunity, to come and offend in ano- 
ther country, without incurring the same severity of law. 

Nor xvill it serve their turn to say. That all treasons are either in 
odium, or contemptum regis ; neither whereof could induce them to that 
act, because they were militant in his Majesty's army, and served him 
with all exact fidelity ; for all this concurred in Joab ; for he was ever 
faithful, and a confident of King David's, and son to his sister Serviah. 

For proof of the second argument of our discourse, viz. that he, who 
commits a treacherous or proditorious murder, connot have the pro- 
tection of the church, the determination of his holiness Clement the 
Eighth shall serve; who saith, that * nol only he who kills one prodi- 
toriously, but he who kills a reconciled enemy, is deprived of the bene- 
fit of sanctuary.' Now, these delinquents destroyed this publick minis- 
ter of state per insidias, appensatt, animo deliberoto, etprodotone^ fraudu- 

Q 2 


lenlly by forecast, with a deliberate mind, and proditoriously ; there- 
fore they are far from deserving the shelter of the church. 

The sacred scripture- takes us out of all doubt, by the act of holy and 
religious Solomon, when, in execution of the just commandment of 
David his father, he consulted how to punish Joab for having slain Ab- 
ner, who had David's safe conduct, for which he fled to the church and 
to the altar : Fugit ergo Joab in tabernaculum Domini, et apprehendit 
cornu altaris : And Benaias, who had the charge of executing him, re- 
turning with this news to Solomon, he answered, Vade, interfice cum, go 
and ki?l him. Benaias, going again to Joab, told him the King's com- 
mand, and bid him come out : Joab replied, I will not come out, but I 
will die here. Thereupon, Benaias going back to Solomon to inform 
him what Joab had said, the King rejoined, Fac sicut locutus est, et in- 
terficeeum; do as he hath said, and kill him. So Benaias, the son of 
Jehoiada, went up to the altar, and, assaulting Joab, he. killed him. 
Now, it is a great question among the theologues, whether Solomon 
sinned in doing this ? Abulensis excuseth him, giving' this reason : Quiet 
non illi profcdt tenuisse aram, quid nullum horniada insidiator habet pre- 
sidium: because the altar could not profit him, in regard that no trea- 
cherous man-slayer hath any protection. Add hereunto what Gaspar 
Sanchez and Ruperto alledge touching the same fact: Nihil debet illi 
jides altaris, qui per dolum wcidendo proximum omnemjidem perdidit : the 
faith of the altar o-wt-th him nothing, who lost all faith in slaying his 
neighbour feloniously. But Cajetan, with others, find no way how to 
excuse Solomon touching this business, in regard that he might, by his 
pretorian troops and veteran soldiers, have taken him both from the altar 
and the tabernacle ; and so, without any note of violating religion, he 
might have dispatched him in some profane place, as the priest Jehoi- 
iada commanded Athaliah to be taken out of the temple, and killed 
without. This is a great and precise lesson for the Lords Alcaldes, for 
they need not fear to put these men to death, in regard they are not now 
materially in the church. 

To prove the minor of the second syllogism, viz. that these men did 
.voluntarily, of set purpose, with a deliberate mind, and proditoriously 
murder the ambassador of the parliament of England, shall be thus 
proved : 

Certain men espied the said ambassador lighting at his lodging the 
same night he came ; the next day, William Spark and Henry Progers 
(who is fled) spoke with John Baptista Riva, the ambassador's servant, 
and Henry, going down, said to William, Let us go here below (where 
the other three delinquents were) and said, Let us kill the resident for 
a destroyer of our nation: So they swore among themselves, that, if one 
dii'd, all would die with him in so heroick an act: Whence this cir- 
cumstance may be drawn, that this murder was committed by former 
consultation aud with a deliberate mind. What is formerly related is 
confessed by the delinquents themselves, and that they came to perform 
this exploit two by two; for, being come to the lodging, two remained 
at the foot of the stairs, two on Ihe top, and two entered. William 
Spark went in first ; seeing two sitting at the table, he pulled off his hat, 
and said, I kiss your Imnds : WhiclTis the resident ? And, when they 


knew who he was, Don John Guillim came, and, snatching him by the 
hair, with a naked dagger he gave him a thrust, that overthrow him ; 
then came William Spark and gave him another, so that they gave him 
five stabs in all ; John Baptista Riva thinking to retire to his chamber, 
there went four of them after him and gave him four wounds, whereof 
he presently expired; whereby it appears most evidently, that the mur- 
der of the ambassador was committed per insiclias, appensate, animo de- 
liberato, et proditorie ; therefore the church cannot protect them. It 
was done proditoi iously, in regard that Prodere est unum actibus os- 
tendere, e t aliud in mente gercre; vnde homicidium proditorium est ctzdcs 
hominis nihiltale suspicantis, as Augustine Barbosa affirms. Just so was 
Abner killed by Joab; according to the text, he killed Abner in a dis- 
honourable way, viz. fraudulently, when he spoke to him peaceably, 
therefore Joab deserved to be deprived of the immunity of the temple; 
and just so was this ambassador killed, and, it may be thought, they 
deserve not the shelter of the sanctuary, as Joab did not. 

But, methinks, 1 hear the delinquents, to extenuate their delict, whis- 
per, that they killed the said ambassador for an hcretick, for a disturber 
of the publick peace, who particularly fomented the death of the King, 
and the change of government ; and they did operate this to vindicate the 
death of their King upon a regicide, an enemy to his country, and on an 
impostor. Morcover,one of the delinquents saith,that,in this rebellion, he 
killed a brother of his, with wUom he had a particular enmity. To 
these arguments I may say, as John Garcia did in his Gloss. Nobilit. 
Adducuntur leviuscula qucedam argument a, quce nieritb subtaceri poterant ; 
sedsatisfaciendum e&t doctis pariter acindoctis : Certain light arguments 
are alledged, which might have been spared ; but we must satisfy the 
unlearned, as well as the learned. And, concerning the first, 

They say, they killed the ambassador for an hcretick ; so was their 
King, whom, they pretend, he had helped to murder: But the Catho- 
lick church never held yet, that it was lawful to kill a man only for his 
religion ; besides, this ambassador had a royal passport, and was at- 
tended all the way, from the sea-side, by his Majesty's servants ; and 
ministers of any religion may have passports for their safety, as John 
Huss had, and as Charles the emperor gave Luther. 

They say, this ambassador came to seduce and .deceive by a book of 
his, which was found among his papers, and a imtlal which he had, 
which had, on the one side, Nebart, and on the other XII. and the word 
obstricti ; and they say it signifies those twelve, which gained Nebair, 
and occasioned the wars: Hence they infer* that he came to deceive. 
There was also found a crown stabbed with a ponyard. This same ar- 
gument Joab propounded to David, when he said, Ignoras Abner jilium 
Ner, quoniam ad hoc venit ad te, ut dcaperct te, ut sciret exitum tuiiin, it 
i/itioititm tuum, et noise omnia quce agis. Thou knowest not Abner the 
son of Ner; for he is come hither to deceive thee, to know thy going- 
out and thy coming in, and to pry into all things thou dost, as the sa- 
cred text tells us: But this could not excuse Joab for killing Abner, 
who came hither all the way with a safe conduct ; and it is the prero- 
gative only of that prince, who gave him the safe conduct, to know the 
cause of his coming. 



To come now to a conclusive point, and final period of this plea . 
The punishmmt of these men, for having fraudulently, by prepense 
malice, with a deliberate mind, and proditoriously murdered the ambas- 
sador of the parliament of England, according to the foregoing circum- 
stances, and by their own spontaneous confessions; I say, the speedy 
chastisement of these meii to death (notwithstanding the depending 
process, touching the immunity of the church) is required by six parties 
ibat are interested therein, via. 

1 . By God himself. 

2. By the King. 

3. By his subjects. 

4. By the publick cause. 

5. By the fiscal of the council. 

First, God requires it, who watcheth over all crimes, especially those 
of blood, which cry for vengeance more than any, therefore the pro- 
crastination hereof would be offensive to his divine Majesty. 

Secondly, The King (whom God preserve) requires speedy execu- 
tion, in regard some grave doctors do doubt, whether it was a sin in Da- 
vid to delay the punishment of Joab till after his death, by bequeathing 
the execution of justice to his son Solomon, as a legacy. 

Thirdly, the subjects of the King our Lord require a hastening of the 
punishment; because it troubles them to see, hard before the King's 
eyes, and in the Catholick court, so horrid and sudden a murder com- 
mitted : Quando accidunt aliqua mala et horrenda, qua sunt penitus ino- 
pinata, solent homines nimium turbari, ttiamsi ad illos mala ilia non perti- 
neant ; quia ergo mors Abner erat malum quoddam rarvm et inopitiattan, 
subito, illo audito, tturbati sunt omnes Israelite. When some horrid, un- 
expected, and unusual mischiefs happen, people use to be strangely 
troubled, though it nothing belongs unto them; therefore, because Ab- 
ner*s death was a kind of extraordinary, sudden mischief, all Israel was 
troubled at it, as Abulcnsis speaks upon the second of Kings. 

Fourthly, The publick cause requires a sudden execution of justice 
upon these deliquents, because they murdered two men by fraud, quorum 
Optra vtilis ridebatur future rdpublicce, whose negotiation was to be pro- 
fitable to the commonwealth, as Gaspar Sanchez saith. 

Lastly, The fiscal requires justice for God, for the King, for his fel- 
low-subjects, for the publick cause, and for himself, who concludes with 
Cokier, in his treatise delegate, 

Ac perde has animas, patriam bonus eript noxd. 

To shut up all ; the justified cause cries out for speedy justice, in re- 
gard that these delinquents murdered an ambassador of the parliament 
of England. Now to every ambassador there is owing an extraordinary 
respect, especially to the ambassadors of England: they slew him,though 
they knew that he had his Majesty's safe conduct; they slew him in 
the Catholick court, where the right of nations useth to be kept invio- 
lable, and more solemnly than any where else, whereby they committed 


not only a foul, treacherous murder, but treason in a high degree 
against his Majesty; they surprised the ambassador and his secretary- 
aid inner, a harmless hour; they came in like friends; wherefore it 
may justly be inferred, that this murder was committed per insidias, ani- 
mo deliberate, appensafe, et proditoric; by fraud, with a deliberate mind, 
by forecast, and treacherously. Touching the circumstances, their own 
spontaneous confessions make them good ; therefore both God, the 
King, all the vassals of this court, the publick cause, and the fiscal of 
the council demand a speedy and actual execution of justice upon 
them, notwithstanding the depending process, and pretensions touching 
the immunities of the church. 

Saha in omnibus, $c. 

Such was the charge in the court of Spain, which was delivered, with 
much aggravation, by the said Dr. Hicronymo Hierro, knight of the or- 
der of Calatrava, against John Guillim, William Spark, Valentine Pro- 
gers, Jo. Halsal, William Arnet, and Henry Progers, who are detained 
still in prison for killing Anthony Ascham, resident for the parliament 
of England, and John Baptista Riva, his interpreter; all except Henry 
Progers, who, being formerly known to the Venetian ambassador, fled to 
his house for protection, and so made an escape. The suit is still de- 
pending, and no resolution taken, in regard the church stands so ear- 
nestly for them; insomuch that it is not known when it will be deter- 






On the Third of September, 1651, till his arrival at Paris. 
Printed at London, for G. Colborn, 1660. Quarto, containing eight pages. 

"U*ORTUNE had now twice counterfeited and double-gilt the trophies 
-- of rebellion, and its brazen trumpet repeated victory, betrayal, or 
Prostituted, before at Dunbar, and now ravished at Worcester, by nu- 

* This is tli 126th number in the catalogue of pamphlets in the Harlein 



merous overpowering force, on that black and white day, September the 
third, 1651 ; in the dusk of which fatal evening, when the ashamed sun 
had 'blushed in his setting, and plunged his affrighted head into the 
depth of luckless Severn, and the night, ready to stain and spot her 
guilty sables with loyal blood, was attiring herself for the tragedy. The 
King (whose first and conspicuous valorous essay so exceeded all com- 
parison, that it cannot but oblige fate to preserve that matchless cou- 
rage, and nevtr again to venture, or expose it to any hazard) compelled 
to abandon the city of Worcester, whose fidelity and affection deserved 
perpetual memory. After he had quitted his court and lodgings, to 
which he retired from the field, and having rallied his most faithful and 
considerable friends, divers English lords and gentlemen, who were re- 
solved to accompany him in his flight, was presented by the late re- 
nowned Earl of Darby, with one Charles Gifford, Esq. (a person of note, 
then of that country, and of much manifested honour since to the 
world) to be his Majesty's conductor in this miraculous blessed escape; 
who forthwith called for one Francis Yates, whom he had brought with 
him, under the command of Colonel Careless, in a party that met the 
King, in his advance to Worcester, to be guide-assistant, for the surer 
finding the by-ways for his Majesty's speed and safety. 

In the moan time, Colonel Careless, a gentleman of very gallant and 
noble endowments, was commanded to sustain the brunt of the pursuing 
enemy, and to keep them off, while the King might be somewhat in his 
way; which, with excellent prudence and valour, he did to effect, and 
afterwards fled to his old retreat and coverture, passing by Hartlebury 
castle, then garisoned by the enemy, whom he courageously fought 
with, and broke through, and came safe to his designed shelter. 

Towards three o'clock, Thursday morning, the fourth of September, 
the King, in company with the said Earl of Darby, Earl of Shrewsbury, 
Earl of Cleveland, Duke of Buckingham, my Lord Wilmot, and others* 
to the number of fourscore, came to a place called White Ladies, in 
the parish of Tong, in the confines of Stafford and Shropshire, being 
twenty-five miles distant, or thereabouts from Worcester, which space of 
ground he had rid that night. 

The White-Ladies was a house belonging to one Fitz-Herbert, where 
one George Pendrill, hearing somebody knocking at the gate so early, 
and opening the window, espied the aforesaid Francis YnU-s, who was his 

other-m-law, with Mr. Gifford ; to whom he presently opened the 

door, and enquired oi his brother Yates, what news from Worcester ; 

who told him, tlmt the King was defeated, and in pursuit, and, there- 

>re, bid him to make haste,'and put on his cloaths: But, before he could 

J himsrff ready, the King, with most of his lords, had entered the 

ise, and come into the hall; where, after a short consultation held 

longst them, the Earl of Darby called for William Pendrill, the eldest 

; (you must know, that my lord of Darby had taken this place 

for a subterfuge, after the defeat given him by Colonel Lilburn, near Wi- 

Ancashire, and was acquainted there, and, by them, conveyed 

> Worcester to the. King; as also, several other gentlemen before 

tl used this for their sanctuary) who being come, George was sent to 

ong, to one Robert Beard, an honest subject, to enquire of him, whether 



ihere were any scattered parties of the King's thereabouts, or any of the 
enemies appearing; who brought word, that the coast was yet clear, and 
no parties at all to be seen. In his return, he met with his brother Ri- 
chard; for now those few inhabitants, that lived there, were awaked 
with the noise, and their own ill-boding thoughts and fears of the success 
at Worcester. 

Richard was no sooner come in, but Esquire Gifford called for him, 
and bid him make haste, and bring with him his best clout hs, which 
were a jump and breeches, of green coarse cloth, and a doeskin leather 
doublet; the hat was borrowed of Humphry Pendrill, the miller, being 
an old grey one, that turned up its brims; the shirt (which in that 
country-language, they called an hurden, or noggen-shirt, of cloth 
that is made of the coarsest of the hemp} was hat! of one Edward Mar- 
tin, George Pendrill's band, and William Creswel's shoes; which the 
King, having presently unstripped himself of his own cloaths, did nim- 
bly put on. His buff-coat, and linnen-doublet, and a grey pair of 
breeches, which he wore before, he gave into these brothers hands, who 
forthwith buried them under ground, where they lay five weeks, before 
they durst take them up again. Thejfewels, off his arm, he gave to 
one of the lords then departing. 

Then Richaid came with a pair of shears, and rounded the King's 
hair, which my Lord Wilmot having cut before with a knife, had 
untowardly notched; ami the King was pleased to take notice of Ri- 
chard's good barbering, so as to prefer his work before my Lord Wil- 
mot's, and gave him the praise of it; and now his Majesty was a-la 
mode the woodman. 

Hereupon, \Villiam Pendrill was brought to the King, by the Earl of 
Darby, and the care and preservation of his most sacred Majesty, com- 
mitted to his charge, and the rest of the brothers (my lord would have 
staid too, but there was no undertaking security for them both) and pre- 
sently the lords took their heavy leuvc, and departed, every one shifting 
for himself. Only my Lord Wilmot was conveyed, by John Pendrill, 
to Mr. Thomas Whitgrave's; but he would have lelt him at several 
other places, which my lord did, in no wise, approve of; first, at one 
John Shore's of Hungerhill, thence to John Climpson, thence to me 
Reynolds of the Hide, so to John Hunspatch's ; where pas-sing by Co- 
ven, they had notice of a troop of horse in the town, and sc eing some 
men coming behind them (which proved to be friends, though my lord 
suspected the country rising upon them) they betook themselves into a 
dry pit, where they staid all evening, and then arrived safely at Mr. 

The company being all departed, a wood-bill was brought, and put 
into the King's hand, and he went out with Richard into the adjoining 
woods. William departed home, and Humphry and George went out 
to scout, and lay hovering in the woods, to hear or see if any one 
approached that way. But- the King had not been an hour in the 
wood, before a troop of horse, of the enemy's, came to White-Ladies, 
and enquired, if some of the King's hcrse, and himself, passed not that 
way, and if they could give information of him ; to which the town's- 
- folks answered, that, about three hours ago, there was a party of horse 


came thither, and they supposed the King with them, but they made 
no stay in the village, but presently departed; they were, hereupon, so 
eager in the pursuit, that, after enquiring which way they took, they 
followed the rout, and made no further search there ; the King straight 
heard this, by the two aforesaid scouts, who straggled for intelligence 
into the town. 

All this day, being Thursday, the King continued in the wood, upon 
the ground, Richard Pendrili being constantly with him, and sometimes 
the other two brothers: it proved to be a very rainy day, and the King 
was wet with showers; thereupon, Francis Yates's wife came into the 
wood, and brought the King a blanket, which she threw over his 
shoulders, to keep him dry; she also brought him his first meat he eat 
there, viz. a mess of milk, eggs, and sugar, in a black earthen cup, 
which the King guessed to be milk and apples, and said he loved it very 
well. After he had drank some of it, and eaten part in a pewter spoon, 
he gave the rest to George, and bid him eat, for it was very good. 
There was nothing of moment passed this day in court, but only the 
King exchanged his wood-bill for Francis Yates's broom-hook, which 
was something lighter. 

They had much ado, all that day, to teach and fashion his Majesty 
to their country guise, and to order his steps, and straight body, to a 
lobbing Jobson's gate, and were forced, every foot, to mind him of it; 
for the language, his Majesty's most gracious converse with his people, 
in his journey to, and at Worcester, had rendered it very easy, and 
very tuneable to him. 

About five o'clock that evening*, the King, with the retinue of Ri- 
chard, Humphry, George, and Francis Yates, left the wood, and be- 
took himself to Richard's house, where he went under the name of 
William Jones, a wood-cutter, newly come thither for work. Against 
his coming, the good wife, for his entertainment at supper, was prepar- 
ing a fricasy of bacon and eggs; and, whilst that was doing, the King 
held on his knee their daughter Nan. After he had eat a little, he asked 
Richard to eat, who replied, yea, Sir, I will ; whereto his Majesty 
answered, you have a better stomach than I, for you have eaten five 
times to-day already. After supper ended, the King, according to hi 
resolution to pass into Wales, prepared, when it should be dusky, to de- 
part ; before he went, Jane Pendrili, the mother of the five brethren, 
came to see the King, before whom she blessed God, that had so ho- 
noured her children, in making them the instruments, as she hoped, of 
his Majesty's safeguard and deliverance. Here Francis Yates offered 
the King thirty shillings in silver; the King accepted ten, and bid him 
put the other up. Humphry would have gone before, to see and view 
about, but the King would not let him; it being now near night, they 
took their leave of the King upon their knees, beseeching God to guide 
and bless him. 

So the King and Richard only departed, to .go to one Mr. Francis 
Wolfe of Madely, there to take passage into Wales. On the way, they 
were to pass by a mill, at a place called Evelin, and going over (it was 
about nine o'clock at night) the bridge of the said mill, the miller steps 
forth, and demanded, who goes there; having a quarter-staff, or a 


good cudgel, in his hand; to which Richard, being foremost, thought 
it not safe to reply; but, the water being shallow, leaped oft' the bridge 
into it, and the King did the like, following Richard by the noise and 
rattling of his leather breeches; the miller being glad he was so rid of 
them, for, as it afterwards appeared, here were some of the King's 
scattered soldiers in his mill, and he supposed the other to be parlia- 
mentarians, that were upon the scent for his distressed guests. 

Being come to Madely, to the said Mr. Francis Wolfe's, late that 
night, they understood there was no passage over the water into Wales, 
and that it was very dangerous to abide there, the country being, every 
where about, laid with soldiers; nor durst he entertain them in his 
house, but shewed them a hay-mow, where they might lodge; and 
there the King and Richard continued all that night, and the next day, 
being Friday; and that night, with the conveyance of a maid of this 
Mr. Wolfe's, who brought the King two miles on his way, they re- 
treated back again to Richard's house. Master Wolfe lent the King, 
some small sum of money. 

This design being crossed, Saturday morning, without any stay at 
Richard's, the King and he went to a house of Mrs. Gifiard's, called 
Boscabcl, where William Pendrill and his wife dwelt as housekeepers 
for the said Giffard, who received him joyfully; but the King's feet 
were so blistered, with travelling in such coarse and stiff accoutrements, 
as he wore on his feet, and lying in them, that he was scarce able to 
stand or go; which William's wife perceiving, she stripped off his 
stockings, and cut the blisters, and washed his feet, and gave the King 
some ease. 

The same time, or near thereupon, that noble colonel, Careless, who. 
as is said before, made good the King's rear at Worcester, and had fought 
his way through; after he had been two days at one David Jones's, 
living in the Heath in Tong Parish, and there by him secured (for this 
colonel had lain three quarters of a year before obscured in this coun- 
try, when he had been narrowly, every where, searched after) was 
brought, by one Elisabeth Burgess, to this same house of Boscabcl ; 
and there his Majesty and he met, but the colonel was so overjoyed 
with the sight of the King, his master, in such sure andsafe hands, 
that he could not refrain weeping, and the King was himself moved 
with the same passion. 

After a short conference, and but inchoated counsel of the King's 
probabk-st means of escape, it was resolved by them, to betake them- 
selves to the wood again; and accordingly, about nine of the clock, 
that Saturday morning, the sixth of September, they went into the 
wood, and Colonel Careless brought and led the King to that so much 
celebrated oak, where before he had himself been lodged. 'I his tree is 
not hollow, but of a sound firm trunk, only, about the middle of it, 
there is a hole in it, about the bigness of a man's head, from whence it 
absurdly and abusively, in respect of its deserved perpetual orowth to 
out-last time itself, is called hollow; and, by the help of William Pen- 
drill's wood-ladder, they got up into the boughs and branches of the 
tree, which were very thick and well spread, full of leaves; so that it 
was impossible for any one to discern through them. 


When they were both up, William gave them up two pillows to lie 
upon between the thickest of the branches, and the King, being over- 
wearied with his travel and sore journey, began to be very sleepy; the 
colonel, to accommodate him the best he could, desired his iMajebty, 
to lay his head in his lap, and rest the other parts of his body upon the 
pillow, which the King did; and after he had taken a good nap (Wil- 
liam and his wife Joan still peaking up and down, and she commonly 
near the place, with a nut hook in her hand gathering of sticks) awaked 
very hungry, and wished he had something to eat; whereupon, the 
colonel plucked out of his pocket a good lunchion of bread and cheese, 
which Joan Pendrill had given him for provant for -that day, and had 
wrapped it up in a clean linnen cloth, of which the King fed very 
heartily, and was well pleased with the service, and commended highly 
his good chear; and some other small relief he had, which was put up 
in the tree, with a long hook stick. 

In the mean while, Richard Pendrill, the first esquire, was sent to 
Wolver-hampton, some three miles thence, being a market-town, to buy 
wine and bisket, and some other necessary refreshments for the King; 
and withal to speak with one Mr, George Manvvaring, a person of known 
integrity and loyalty from Colonel Careless, with some instructions 
about the King's removal, though not expresly the King, but one of 
that ruined party; in effect it was to know of him, whether he knew of 
any sure privacy for two such persons; to which he answered he had 
not himself, but would enquire if a friend of his, one Mr. Whitgrave of 
Mosely, formerly and again to be spoken of here, could do it. So that 
we may see what a loyal honest combination and secrecy there was be- 
tween all these persons; and then Richard returned with his wine, 
&c. to the King, who, towards the evening, came down by the same 
ladder from the tree, and was brought into the garden of Boscabel 
house, where he sat in the bower of it, and drank part of the wine till 
towards night. 

Neither was Humphry Pendrill, the miller, unemployed all this 
whik', but was sent to get intelligence, how things went. And, the 
easier to come by it, he was sent to a captain of the Rump, one Broad- 
way, formerly a heel-maker, under pretence of carrying him twenty- 
shillings, for the pay of a man in the new raised militia of their county 
for their mistress. While he was there, in came a colonel of the rebels, 
and asked for Captain Broadway, on purpose to know what further 
enquiry had been made at White-Ladies for the King, relating to Broad- 
way the story of it; to which he replied he knew nothing of it further 
than rumour, but that there was one of that place, in the house that 
could give him an account of it. So Humphry was called, and several 
questions put to him, which he evaded, but confessed that the King had 
been there, as was supposed ; but there was no likelihood for him to 
stay there, for there were three families in the house, and all at differ- 
ence with one another. The colonel told him there was a thousand 
pounds offered to any, that would take or discover kirn, and that they 
doubted not, but within a day or two to have him delivered into their 

These tidings Humphry brought with him, and omitted not to tell his 


Majesty of the price his rebels had set on him; at the telling of which, 
the King looked something dismayed, as having trusted, his life into the 
hands of so poor men, whom such a sum as that, though bolh detest- 
able, and of inconsiderable value to the purchase, might pervert from 
their allegiance and fidelity; which made Humphry to be exceedingly 
troubled'for his rashness, while Colonel Careless assured the King, if it 
were one hundred thousand pounds, it were to no more purpose, and 
that he would engage his soul for their truth; which Humphry also, 
with many urgent asseverations, did second. 

It was late, and the Kin.q; was very hungry, and had a mind to a loin 
of mutton, and, being come into the house, asked William, if he could 
not get him such a joint; to which, he replied, that he had it not of 
his own, but he would make bold at that time, and for that occasion, 
with one of his master's sheep in the cote; which instantly he did, and 
brought it into the ground-cellar, where the colonel, not having the 
patience to stay while he fetched a knife, stabbed it with his dagger; 
and when William came down, tht-y hung it upon a door, and flead it, 
and brought up a hind quarter to the King, who presently fell a chop- 
ping of the loin to pieces, or, as they called it then, into Scotch Col- 
lops, which the colonel clapped into the pan, while the King held it 
and fried it. 

This passage yielded the King a pleasant, jocular discourse, after his 
arrival in France, when it amounted to a question, a very difficult case, 
who was cook, and who was scullion ? And the solution of the doubt, 
when it could not be decided by the lords then present, was referred to 
the judgment of his Majesty's master-cook, who affirmed, that the 
King was, hie et mine, both of them 

When this nimble collation was ended, it was time for the King to 
betake himself to his rest, and his chamberlain William brought him to 
his apartment. It was a place made, between two walls on purpose for 
secrecy, contrived at the building of the house; thither they let the 
King down, where he slept very incommodiously with little or no rest, 
for that the place was not long enough for him; and therefore, the next 
night, they laid him a sorry bed upon the stair-case, that the meanness 
of his lodging might secure him from suspicion. 

My Lord Wilmot, as is said before, was all this while safe at Mr. 
Whitgrave's, only his care of the King made him full of trouble. His 
hiding-place was so -sure a one, that at hi;; first coining to it, he wished, 
so he gave twenty thousand pounds, that the King was either as secure, 
or there with him; he therefore dispatched away John Pendrill, who 
attended him, all along, to the White-Ladies, to enquire for the King, 
and to give him notice of the conveniency that \\as at Mr. Whitgrave's; 
but, when he came thither, which was on Friday, the King was then 
gone to Madely, to Mr. Wolfe's. The next day he was sent again, and. 
Richard's wife directed him to Boscabel, where he delivered the King 
his message, which the King assented unto, and resolved to remove 

Monday night, September the eighth, at eleven at night, was the 
time appointed for the King's progress to Mosely, but a horse was 
hard to be found. John was ordered to borrow one of one Stanton.of 


Hatton, but he had lent his out before; when the colonel remembered 
that Humphry the Miller had one, and he thereupon was called and 
desired to lend him for the King's service; it was a kind of war-horse, 
that had carried many a load of provision, meal, and such like, but 
now he put upon him a bridle and saddle, that had outworn his tree and 
irons, and at the time prefixed, brought him to the gate. 

As soon as the King had notice of it, out he came, and would have 
had none but Colonef Careless and John to have gone along with him; 
but they told him, it was dangerous to venture himself with so few ; 
they therefore intreated his Majesty, that he would give them leave to 
go with them, which, at their importunity, he. granted. 

Having mounted the King, Colonel Careless and the six brethren 
guarding him, two before and two behind, and one of each side, armed 
with clubs and bills, Humphry, leading his horse by the bridle, they 
began their journey. It was five miles from Boscabel to Mosely, Mr. 
Whitgravc's, and the way in some places miry, where the horse blun- 
dering, caused the King to suspect falling, and bid Humphry have a 
care; to which he answered, that that now fortunate horse had carried 
many a heavier weight in his time, six strike of corn, which measure 
the King understood not, but now had a better price on his back, the 
price of three kingdoms, and therefore would not now shame his 

Their travel was soon and safe ended, and the King brought the 
back way to a stile that led to the house; Humphry led the horse into 
a ditch, and the King alighted off upon the stile; but, forgetting that 
most of his guard were to return home, was gone five or six steps on- 
ward, without taking leave of them, but, recalling himself, returned 
lack and said, I am troubled that I forgot to take my leave of my 
friends ; but if ever I come into England, by fair or foul means, I will 
remember you, and let me see you, whenever it shall so please God; so 
they all departed, but the colonel, John, and Francis Yates, who 
guided the King to the house. 

Their master, Thomas Whitgrave, received the King, dutifully and 
affectionately, and brought him in to my Lord VVilmot, who, with infi- 
nite gladness, kneeled down and embraced his knees. After a little 
conference, his Majesty was had to his lodging, and the intrigues of it 
shewn him; where, alter the King had rested himself that night, they 
entered into consultation about the escape, which had been projected 
by my Lord Wilmot bcfim-. 

Francis Yates departed, but John staid two or three day? longer 
with the King, while he went away. On Wednesday noon a troop of 
the rebels horse passed through the town, and made no stay ; which 
John told not the King of, till afternoon, because, as he then said, he 
would not spoil his Majesty's dinner. 

Now the King prepared and fitted himself for his journey, and one 
Mr. Huddle-stone and Mr. Whitgrave accommodated him with boots, 
cloke, money, &c. and John Pendrill was sent to Mrs. Lane about it, 
who sent him back again with a parcel of leaves of walnuts, boiled in 
spring water, to colour his Majesty's hands, and alter the hue and 


whiteness of his skin in those parts, that were most obvious to the eye, 
and by him gave notice to the King what time he should be ready. 

On Thursday 'night, the eleventh of September, Colonel Lane came 
with his sister to a field adjoining, and there they put the King before 
her, John having the honour to hold the King's stirrup while he 
mounted ; and presently they two set forward, having taken directions 
to know the country, and my Lady Lane having several recommenda- 
tions to the allies, friends, and acquaintance of her family, that lay in 
their intended road, if any untoward occasion should put them to tho 

The several adventures, which that heroical lady passed and over- 
came, in the management of that grand affair of his Majesty's life, will 
become and befit a worthier paper, and a nobler pen; and therefore, 
let the blessed and thrice happy event of that her fortunate loyalty 
restrain a curious euquiry of the means, which probably may be some 
arcana imperil, secrecy of state now, a? well as then of the King, not 
yet fit to be divulged. Miracles indeed of this benign and propitious 
influence are very rare. God hath not dealt so with the nations round 
about us, especially, where human coadjutement. and that so signally, 
in the tacitness of so many persons concerned, hath been instrumental; 
and therefore, why may we not, as we fearfully behold comets, with 
delight look upon the serene smiles of Heaven, in his Majesty's preser- 
vation, and the rays of its goodness, diffused into the breasts of thosa 
loyal persons, his guardians, for whose honour more especially this 
paper officiously obtrudes itself, with such weak eyes as we now see 
with, before we can have the benefit of a prospective, (the full 

Let it therefore suffice and content us, that it pleased the Divine 
wisdom and goodness to protect and defend our most gracious Sovereign 
in all dangers, places, and conditions whatsoever, in that his inc urn bored 
passage, through his own rightful dominions, and without the least 
umbrage of suspicion, to convey him out of the hands of his blood- 
thirsty trayterous enemies, who thought themselves sure of him, that so 
killing the heir, the inheritance might be theirs. 

He remained, or rather pilgrimaged, from one sanctuary to another, 
in England, near the space of five weeks, and like other princes, though 
not, on the same account, was present incognito, while such time as a 
convenience of passage could be found for him in Sussex; where, after 
he had embarked himself in a barque out of a creek, he was put back 
again by contrary weather into the same place, being disguised in a 
sailor's cloaths; but, the wind veering about more favourable, about 
the end of October, l6'5 1, landed at Dieppe in Normandy, from whence 
an express was sent to her Majesty of England, to acquaint her of his 
safe arrival, which was presently communicated to the French court, 
who, appearingly with great manifestation of joy, welcomed the news. 
But his Majesty's most affectionate uncle, the late Duke of Orleans, 
did with intirejoy, as also sundry of the most eminent French nobility, 
congratulate his deliverance, which they testified by a most splendid 
und honourable cavalcade, at his reception and entry into Paris. 





As they stile themselves, 

The nineteenth of March, in the great assembly of the high and mighty 
Lords, the stated-general of the United Provinces. As also, to .their 
memorials of the sixteenth of April, and the ninth of May, 1651, re- 
spectively. And likewise, to the thirty-six articles of the desired 
treaty. As it was delivered by the HonourableSir William Macdowal, 
knight, resident for his Majesty of Great-Britain, after his return to 
Holland, in the said Great Assembly. June the seventeenth, 1651. 

My son, fear thou the Lord and the King, and meddle not with them 
that are given to change. 

For tkfir calamity shall rise suddenly, and who knotveth the ruin (/ 

Prov. xxiv. 21, 22. 

Printed at the Hague, by Samuel Brown, English Bookseller, 1 651. Quarto, 
containing sixteen pages. 

PHE said pretended ambassadors have offered, and withal required a 
-*> strict confederacy, and holy league, as they term it betwixt the: 
commonwealth of England, and the^United Provinces, allcdgine to 
that end, 

I. The ancient and successive contracts, and mutual friendship be- 
twixt both. 

. The advancement of trade and traffick. 
III. A conformity in the reformation of religion. 

IV. The like success and blessings upon both. 

V. An answerable change in the condition of both states; as like- 
wise in the restored liberty of the people. Hinc inde. 

Which specious motives, and inducements, viewed aright, and laid in 
a just balance will appear, by their favours, to have no warrantable 
id; for the clearing of. which, the hi ghandmi ghty States are desi- 
red to look back, and consider : 

I. That, formerly, all contracts have been made, betwixt the succes. 
sive JCmgsof England, their lawful heirs, and the high and mighty State*- 


general, and not with England, as is alledged. Not to look further 
back, the sovereignty of these countries was offered to Queen Elisabeth, 
of happy memory, in the year 1585, which she in wisdom thought fit 
to decline; but, withal, assisted the States, with five-thousand foot, and 
one-thousand horse; as likewise advanced to their Lordships, before the 
year 1596, in the space of eleven years, eleven-hundred thousand 
pounds, sterling, according to the calculation of her Majesty's counsel- 
lors and high treasurer for the time. 

Her royal successors, James and Charles, of immortal memory, in the 
years l6'08, i6l4, 1635, respectively, have not only assisted these 
States, in their great straits, in a very considerable way, but also enga- 
ged with their Lordships, offensive and defensive; and that without any 
the least communication had with the people of England concerning it. 
And if a ratification of such an alliance should be concluded with a fac- 
tious commonalty here, and that they might at pleasure disturb the re- 
publick, and turn matters upside down. What an anarchy and woful 
contusion would ensue, as now, alas! we see too plainly follows in En- 
gland? Truly, if that people had been so inclined, and governed, as they 
now are, by those, who regni causa, have violated the rights; and to 
make purchase of the Lord's vineyard, have murthered him, and oppose, 
with their utmost power and malice, the inthronement of his lawful heir, 
their undoubted sovereign, the Low Countries should not have obtained 
such real friendship and advantage from them. 

Besides that, the now prevailing party is not the hundredth part of 
the people in England, in comparison of those, both of the clergy, nobi- 
lity, gentry, and commons, who cordially adhere to the King's just in- 
terest, and passionately groan to be delivered from the continued op- 
pressions of those cruol task-masters, whose little finger lies heavier upon 
them, than all their King's whole loins. 

And an eminent member of the late House of Commons, formerly a 
sufferer, in his memento affirms, that there are in the three kingdoms 
ten-thousand to one, who firmly and affectionately cleave to his Ma- 

In kingdoms and republicks, as politicians speak, it is the very same 
people now, as those that lived an hundred years ago; as likewise, that 
it is the same ship, although all the planks be renewed ; but if the keel 
be destroyed, and the form ot government and fundamental laws be ut- 
terly abolished, non idempopulus, nee eudem navis; it is not the sjirae peo- 
ple, nor the same ship. 

Moreover, by all proofs it is sufficiently known, that the predecessors 
of the now prevailing party in England were then so mean and inconsi- 
derable among the people, that they were thought utterly uncapable of 
having the least hand in the former favours, shewn to these States. 

II. Trade and traffick, which they call the common interest of a 
state, arc juris gentium, common to all nations; consequently, not to be 
carried on by monopolies, and damage of a third party, especially the 
eldest, and sometime" the most considerable ally of this estate. Ami" 
eitios, saith Polybius, ita inatitui par est t n? qua Tttustior amicltia ft ''*- 
tittas violet ur. 

VOL. VI. p. 


It is remarked by most of the authors of tfce Netherland history, that 
their Lordships predecessors upon a time, being more moved by the im- 
positions of the Duke of Alva, of the ten and one-hundred penny re- 
spective, than for the violence offered to religion, and therefore compared 
to the Gargasenes, who preferred their stfine before their Saviour, were 
the more severely punished by God. 

And shall the high and mighty States now hazard their religious and 
high esteem in the favour of those, who, in regard of commerce, enlarg- 
ing of their limits, and usurped power, are big with such monstrous 
mysteries ? And of whom it was said long before their troubles : 

Gens tacitis prxgnans arcanis ardua tentans. 

Who derive their power and authority merely from themselves, as for- 
merly hath been said, in the dominion of tho Chaldeans over the Jews, 
and of Cinnaand Carbo amongst the Romans, who, in the time of Sylla, 
made themselves consuls without any court election : Violent itnperia, 
saith one to Caesar, sunt magis acerba qitam diuturna. The rather, be- 
cause no nation under the sun is so subject to a change as England, even 
while they lived under their lawful sovereigns. The Earl of Warwick, 
called the Titular King, in eleven days, Edward the Fourth in twenty, 
Henry the Seventh in one day, as a Caesar vent, vidt, vici, brought the 
English successively to their obedience. 

Commerce and traffick are plausible pretences, but often accompa- 
nied with great jealousies, especially betwixt neighbouring republicks; 
the which, like twins struggling for the primogeniture, are in a conti- 
nual emulation for profit and preheminence. And, therefore, compared 
to an alluvics, where the increase of one is the decrease of the other. 
Insomuch, that grave and judicious statesmen have judged it would be 
more safe and profitable to these States, that England continued a mo- 
narchy, than to be tumbled into a commonwealth, confirmed by a prog- 
nostication of a person of credit with them, living at London, given out 
the sixteenth of October last, alledging and applying with much confi- 
dence, against the United Provinces, Jerem. li. 13. 

III. Concerning the pretended conformity in religion, in the third 
place, which, under the blessed ami glorious government of Kings, as a 
palladium and lamp, did out-shine all other nations, it is, alas ! now 
become a Pandora, out of which, tanquam ex equo Trojano, do issue so 
many monstrous sects, heresies, and blasphemies, and is consequently so 
deformed, as being utterly destitute of discipline, and differing in most 
points of doctrine, that it is nothing like the religion here professed, nor 
indeed religion itself. 

A good religion, as an upright and lively faith, issues forth into good 
works ; insomuch that, in the primitive church, the Christians were dis- 
cerned from the infidels only by their holy life, according to the proverb, 
Christiani non simtCas&iani; but alas! how'many not onlyC'as*M,but alsoAl* 
bit, and Nigri, are now-a-days to be seen ? Witness, besides the treatises inti- 
tled, Defensio pro Carolo rege, Vindicia: pro capite regis Anglice, Elenchus 
motuttm, Mr. Prynne's memento, Theatrum tragicum, Vox vetitatis, and 


others, two declarations also of the eighteenth of January, lG4S,long be- 
fore that lamentable catastrophe, by divers preachers, and learned divines, 
in and about London; subscribed by one-hundred and twenty-six of 
them mourningover, and complaining of horrible and scandalous abuses, 
as in the church, so in the civil, or rather military government, and 
strongly refuting their flattering of themselves in their continued success, 
which may next be considered of. 

IV. For as Solomon saith, ' That there be just men, to whom it hap- 
prneth, sometimes, according to the work of the wicked So again, 
there be wicked men, to whom it happeneth according to the work of 
the righteous. 

Successes often are a punishment, as sometimes given for a blessing, 
where only those are to be valued, whose principal aim appears to be 
the true advancement of God's revealed will in his word ; which, as it 
strictly commandcth, obedience to Kings, and thrse in authority under 
thrm, so itdoth severely punish sedition and rebellion against them, not 
sparing the curse of condemnation to those,, who comply with, and ad- 
here unto them. Neither hath the great Turk come far short of (that 
undoubted blessing) good success, the now prevailing party justify their 
cause, and measure its righteousness by, though they may seem to dis- 
avow him. 

Finally, the resemblance made for the manner of the recovered liberty 
of both states, to use the expression of a great personage, is not more 
different than milk and ink, both in regard of the ancient condition of the 
people on both sides, and the way of attaining to it. 

The Low-Country men, especially the Batavi, have been reputed by 
all ancient writers, for a free people, neither subject to the Romans, 
whom they did acknowledge only Civilli,as Tacitus saith, nor to any di- 
rectors, counts and governors, which were constituted by themselves. 

The English have niore than a thousand years been governed by 
Kings, all sprung from the same royal stock, to whom they have succes- 
sively sworn obedience and loyalty. 

The King of Spain, after a war of almost eighty years, hath in two 
solemn treaties, the one before the twelve years truce, and the other in 
the la.e concluded peace, acknowledged the United Provinces to be a 
free state, and that privative. Whereupon his Catholick Majesty, for 
himself and his successors, hath disclaimed all pretences of sovereignty 

Whereas Charles the First, that blessed martyr, whose innocent blood, 
like that of Abel, cries loud to the highest heaven for vengeance against 
those who now sit upon his throne, not only -was, but was ever by them 
acknowledged for their lawful sovereign ; instead of disclaiming his roy- 
alty over them, as must be, if the resemblance stand compleat, was both 
divested of his power, and deprived of his life; and his princely succes- 
sor, so far as in them lieth, kept back and disabled from the exercise of 
his undeniable power over them; whereof let them find an absolute pa- 
rallel from the creation until now. 

In Israel KmgAhab did tyrannise, and, as a man sold unto sin, above 
others provoked GodY wrath against him. In Rome there was 


more like a monster than a man. Amongst the Christians, Christiernus 
in Denmark, Wenceslaus in Bohemia, who was likewise emperor, beha- 
ved themselves so wickedly, that it was said of them, That they had cast 
off human nature. Nor much unlike to thorn was Richard the Third, 
called, The tyrant of England, yet none of all these was ever condemned 
to die 'by the sentence of their subjects. Insomuch that it is observed, 
that the Israelites, after they had deserted their King Rehoboam, al- 
though an oppressor, never enjoyed a happy hour, but were infested 
with continual wars, both civil and foreign, till at last they were utterly 
destroyed, and carried captives into Babylon. 

Of Nero it was said, Primum damnati principis exemplum ; I add, 
Postremum, non mactati tamen, as in this case. The confederate provin- 
ces were first forced in their religion, their persons and goods seized, and 
one hundred-thousand of them killed. The prevailing party in En- 
gland, after those insolent and high affronts done to his Majesty, before 
his constrained removal from his court at Whitehall, took up arms, gave 
out commissions, levied men, according to his Majesty's last true and 
undeniable words, and seized upon the regalia, before he once put him- 
self into a posture of defence. 

In the Low-Countries their liberty was, more majorum, fully restored 
to them, without prejudice to any man. 

In England^ religion and liberty are shamefully trampled under foot, 
and the House of Commons so dismembered, and its privileges violated, 
that the eighth part of ten were beyond all parallel cast out, as the de- 
claration and protestation of the secluded members, Feb. 13, 1648, doth, 

The proceedings of the high and mighty States are approved and 
justified by all the world; on the contrary, those of the English con- 
demned and abhorred, and by themselves confessed as irregular and un- 
warrantable ; and a most pregnant proof and probatio prvbata, of their 
wrong, as is contained in the said declaration of the ministers. 

The which premisses the high and mighty States being pleased to take 
into serious .consideration, according to their accustomed wisdom and 
justice, and calling fo mind those divers treaties betwixt the King's 
royal pn-decessors, and their lordships, in his Majesty's person, yet firm- 
ly standing. And seeing likewise divers of their lordships resolved for 
a punctual observation of a. neutrality, since the year l6*2, between the 
late King, his Majesty's father, of blessed memory, and his parliament, 
the which, by the partial confederacy with the one party, now laboured 
for, will, in all appearance, be violated and infringed. 

Tnerefore their lordships are earnestly intreated not to hearken to the 
said propositions, as being prejudicial to the King ray gracious master's 
interests, and dangerous to this state; likewise that the acknowledging 
them for a free rc-publick, which possibly the condition of the times, and 
benefit of trade, hath occasioned, be not drawn into a farther conse- 
quence, much less an occasion given thereby, forgetting Joseph's suf- 
ferings, that the afflicted be yet more afflicted, their liberty retarded, and 
their calamity lengthened. 

His Majesty's affairs, God be praised, are yet in a very good pnd 
hopeful condition, far better than some of his royal predecessors, who 


have, notwithstanding, run through all difficulties, and became consi- 
derable to their friends, as wel) as formidable to their enemies. 

King Robert Bruce, about three hundred years ago, being likewise 
by the rebellion of his subjects, and the disloyalty of Baliol and Cum- 
minff, and their adherents, fiercely assailed by King Edward of England, . 
who, at once, was possessed of most of the towns and strengths in Scot- 
land, kept a parliament in St. Andrew's, took his queen prisoner, killed 
four of his brethren, amongst whom were those duofulmina belli, defaced 
or removed all the monuments and registers of that kingdom, was con- 
strained, with one or two servants, to hide himself among the hills ; yet, 
notwithstanding all this, in a short time after, recovered his whole king- 
dom, was crowned with honour and glory, and forced his insolent enemy, 
in confusion, to fly from Sterling to Dumbar, and thence in a fisher-boat, 
Xerxes like, escaped narrowly with his life. I say Sterling, 

Invictum, etfatale Scotorum propugnaculum : 
Of which it is sai'd, 

Hie Latium remorata est Scotia curaum. 

His Majesty's royal grandfather, Henry the Fourth, King of France 
and Navarre, yet of fresh memory, was in a lower condition, and had 
less power to resist those of the league and the powerful King of Spain; 
yet at last became victorious, in the overthrow of his enemies, to the 
great advantage and very considerable succour of the Netherlands. 

The distressed condition of the predecessors of the high and mighty 
States-general, whom, after so many changes, the Almighty God hath, 
to the admiration of the whole world, brought into a safe haven, however 
Sirius, a Spanish writer, jesting with those .of Holland and their confe- 
derates, did say, What can the Hollanders do against the King of Spain ? 
As now, some scoffingly ask, How can the Scots stand against the pow- 
erful English ? Is an eminent and visible example, that it is all one, with 
the Lord, to help with few or with many, and that, when all strength 
and human hopes do fail, he will arise gloriously, for the deliverance of 
the righteous, crowning them, in the end, with honour and good 


I. Shall we then look upon the present successes, and prosperity of 
that party, as alone unchangeable, for the which such strange grounds 
are by them pretended, as are no where found, being so diametrically 
opposite, according to the declaration of the said divines in and about 
London. To 

1. God's holy word. 

2. The instinct of nature. 

3. Natural reason. 

4. The laws of all nations. 

5. The constitutions, particularly of the kingdom of England, who, 
above all other people, most obsequiously and affectionately regard and 

& 3 


reverence their Kings, as in those maxims of their law, Rex non moritur, 
Rex nullifacit injtiriam, &c. 

6. The judgment of all casuists. 

7. Their oaths of fealty, supremacy, and allegiance, repeated parti- 
cularly at the admission of every member into the House of Commons ; 
their protestation, their covenant, their solemn league and covenant, and 
an hundred declarations, besides the publick faith of the kingdom of 
England, solemnly given to the commissioners of the kingdom of Scot- 
land, upon their receiving his Majesty at Newcastle, in all which, they 
professed to the world, that they would maintain and preserve, with 
their lives and estates, the King's person, honour, rights, and royal 

II. Or, shall we rest satisfied in the sophistry of those sectaries, who, 
out of Christ's answer to the subtle questions of the Herodians and Pha- 
risees, if it were lawful to give tribute to Csesar, answered, Ostendite 
mihi numisma, ctijus hubet imaginem ? infer that, Jide imiMata, the party 
now in England, is to be acknowledged, without any further enquiry or 
examination, since our Saviour's answer speaks nothing for their advan- 
tage. But, on the contrary, his commanding tribute to he given to 
Caesar, whom the Jews formerly acknowledged to be their King, con- 
firmeth and establisheth lawful power, and consequently condcmneth 
sedition and rebellion; else David should have submitted unto and ac- 
quiesced in the usurped power of Absalom, who was possessed of all 
the land, even unto Jordan, and carried away all Israel after him; and 
Solomon in the power of Adonijah, Jehoiada in Athaliah's, and the 
Maccabees in the power of Antiochus Epiphanes, the grand enemy of 
the Jews; yea, the estates of the United Provinces should have then 
obeyed the forceof the Duke of Alva, who, by the emblem of his statue 
formerly set up in Antwerp, did signify that he had invested himself 
with the absolute power. It is well said by one of the ancients, Omnis 
potestas est d Deo ; sed acquisitio pottstatis, /i/r/o, rapina, incendio, ant 
perduellione, non est a Deo, sed ab hominum ajftctibus et Satcuias mu- 

III. Or, may we suffer ourselves to be abused by the examples and 
precedents, which the said sectaries alledge of the Kings, Edward the 
Second, and Richard the Second, who, by reason of their incapacity, 
were forced to n-sign their crowns, the one to his son, the other to his 
competitor King Henry the Fourth, but neither of them to an inconsi- 
derable, small remainder of an House of Commons, or the people? 
Only, in a full parliament, boih their resignations were confirmed, and 
neither executed, but were always afterwards honourably entertained ; 
yea, one Roger Mortimer, which is worth the observing, the chief author 
and actor in deposing of Edward the Second, and crowning his son Ed- 
ward the Third in his father's place, according to which precedent his 
Majesty Charles the Second, ought by these, to have been crowned was 
by a parl.arm nt four years after, together with his fellow-murderers, 

demned as a traitor and enemy to the King and kingdom, because he 
killed the said deposed King in Berkcly Castle. 


Besides, the now prevailing party, by solemn protestations, did pub- 
lish and declare to all the world, that they did not intend to follow those 
accursed precedents, although they should suffer never so much by the 
King and his party. Exact. Collect, pag. 69. 

IV. Should we not rather deeply apprehend, and with fear look upon 
those exemplary punishments inflicted upon perjury, and covenant- 
breaking, in God's holy word, as may be seen, toomit others, in the per- 
son of Saul, who, together with his posterity, as also the whole kingdom 
of Israel, was so severely punished, because he destroyed the Gibeon- 
ites, against the covenant made with Joshua, above two-hundred years 
before, notwithstanding they procured the same deceitfully? As likewise 
in the history of England, and other kingdoms, many pregnant exam- 
ples to that purpose might be alledged ; particularly that of William 
Thorpe, chief justice of the King's Bench in that realm, who for taking 
a bribe of eighty pounds sterling, was put to death, and all his goods 
confiscated to the King's use, in regard that in so doing he violated the 
oath of a judge, as the words run, Quod sacramentum domini regis, quod 
erga populum habuit custodiendum, fregit malitiosc, falsa, et rebelliter. 
Parl. 23 Edw. III. 

An Answer to their memorials. 

THE memorials I pass over, as monstrous, and which, by inevitable 
consequence, not only tend to cut off all treaties and alliances between 
the King's Majesty and this state, and all commerce with his loyal and 
faithful subjects, but likewise, in some cases, to the not suffering them 
to dwell or reside in these parts, 

A demand which is against the band of common society amongst 
men, the sovereignty of the United Provinces, and liberty of the same, 
which have ever been a sanctuary for honest men, and a receptacle of 
all nations whatsoever. In a word, such quale victor victo dare, non so- 
cms socium rogare sold. The cruelty of Tiberius, Nero, Domitian, and 
others, hath, for the most part, been confined within the walls of Rome, 
or the borders of Italy, without persecuting their opposers, in a strange 
land, as an omnibus umbra locis adero. 

Concerning the thirty -six articles of the treaty. 
. THE thirty-six articles evidently tend, 

I. To hinder his Majesty's just right, and restitution to his heredi- 
tary crown and kingdom of England. 

II. To involve the high and mighty States -General in a labyrinthand 
great inconveniences, who, at present, have no enemy. 

III. To encourage and strengthen the King's irreconcileable ene- 
mies, and rebels, as the fourth, fifth, sixth, and thirty-first articles do 

IV. Against the forementioned resolutions of the high and mighty 
States, in the year 1 642, concerning the keeping a neutrality between 



his Majesty's father, of blessed memory, and his parliament of England, 
namely, those of the first of Novi-mber, and thirtieth of December, 1642, 
and the sixth of November, 1648. 

V. Against a declaration and protestation of the noble and mighty 
States of Holland and West Fnesland, dated the sixth of November, 
l6t9. to the same purpose. 

VI. Against all former treaties and alliances between his Majesty's 
royal predecessors and this State. 

As, amongst others, that of the fourteenth of February, 1593, like- 
wise consisting of thirty-six articles, between King Henry the Seventh 
of England, his heirs and successors, made in his name, and by his au- 
thority, as the words of the said treaty do bear, and Philip, Archduke 
of Austria, and Duke of Burgundy, which bind and oblige, to this very 
day, divers of the United Provinces, and the chief members and towns 
thereof, to assist the said Henry the Seventh and his heirs, (which un- 
questionably pleadeth for my master Charles the Second, he being the 
sixth from him in descent, in lined recta) and to afford them all favour 
and frirndly assistance, as well by sea as by land, and prohibileth any 
treaty and alliance to be made with the rebels, and the enemies of one 

Whose undoubted riiiht, according to God's sacred word, the laws, 
and the fundamental constitutions of the kingdom of England, as, Rex 
non moritur, &c. is firmly radicated in his Majesty's person, however 
he by violence be kept from it : 

Non unquam perdidit ordo 
Mutato suajura loco. - 

Insomuch that the ancient Romans, by the light of nature, did refuse 
to enter into any alliance with Nabis, the usurper of Lacedaemon, but 
continued the same with the just and lawful King Pelopidcs, Amicitia 
ettocietas nobismlla tecum est, saith Titus Quintius,'in the behalf of the 
Roman empire, apud Livium, lib. 34. sed cum Pelopide rege Lacedcmo- 
Hwrnmjusto ct legitimo facta est. 

Finally, against the renewed treaty in the year 1550, December the 

le nth, made at Bins in Henegow, called the Perpetual Treaty be- 

tween the tutors of Mary, Queen of Scotland, in her minority, and 

n Mary of Hungary, regent for Charles the Fifth in the Low Coun- 

les, renewed again in solennifoi-ma, word by word, at Edinburgh, 1504. 
wi King James the Sixth and the high and mighty States, after 

e PfinCe Heniy ' h ' S Ma J est y' s son > celebrated at 

In the which it is promised and agreed upon, inviolably to maintain 
reserve mutual friendship one with another, for all ages to come, far m them lay to prevent and hinder any damage that may be- 
1 either of them ; that they shall traffick in safety and security and 

' '' the 



But how opposite this is to their fourth, fifth, and thirty first articles, 
propounded to your Lordships, a ppeareth clearly out of the words there 
contained, where they not only deny to the King, and his subjects, pri- 
satire, all favour, friendship, and provision of war, but likewise endeavour 
to oblige your Lordships, de facto, to infest and make war upon them, 
as having now no other enemies, as they themselves give out, but 

But, expecting better things of the high and mighty States, and a re- 
ligious observation of all treaties, resolutions, protestations, and declara- 
tions, your Lordships are intreated not to give ear to the said proposi- 
tions, and memorials; as also, that the said thirty-six articles, perishing 
in their birth, may not be taken into any further consideration. 

The Lord will reward every one according to his works ; and, I wish, 
that he may ever bless the high and mighty States with his fatherly pro- 
tection, and keep them from contracting any league and alliance, which 
may be attended with dishonour and damage unto them. 



Before it teas utterly ruined. 

Sent in a letter from Monsieur G. Naudaeus, keeper of the publick 


London, printed forTinothy Garth wait, at the little north door of St. Paul's, l652. 
Quarto, containing six pages. 



SINCE all the ordinances of your famous company are like thunder- 
bolts, which dash in pieces each person whom they strike, and 
make d.umb, or astonish every one that sees them fall : Give me leave 
to tell you, yet with all respects and submissions possible, that what 
you thundered out on the twenty-ninth of the last, against the library 
of the most eminent Cardinal Mazarin, my master, hath produced these 
two effects, with so much force and violence, that forasmuch as con- 
cerns the said library, it is not likely it should ever recover those losses 
which it hath already suffered, nor yet avoid those wherewith it is still 
threatened, unless by some very remarkable effect of your singular good- 
ness and protection. 


And, as for mo, who cherish it as the work of my hands, and the mi- 
racle of my life, I protest to you ingenuously, that, since that stroke of 
thunder, which was cast, from the heaven of your justice, upon a piece 
so rare, so beautiful, so excellent, and which I have, by my watches and 
labours, brought to such perfection, as none can morally desire a great- 
er, I have been so extremely astonished, that if the same cause which 
once made the son of Croesus, though naturally dumb, lo speak, did not 
now untie my tongue, to utter some sad accents ; my last complaints, 
at the decease of this my daughter, as he there did, in the dangerous es- 
tate wherein he found his father, I should remain eternally dumb. And, 
in truth, gentlemen, since that good son saved the life of his father, in 
making them know, wherefore he did it; why may not I promise my- 
self, that your benevolence and ordinary justice will save the life of this 
daughter, or, to speak plainer, this famous library, when I shall in few 
words have represented to you an abridgement of its perfections, being 
the most beautiful and the best furnished of tiny library, now in the 
world, or that is likely, if affection do not much deceive me, ever for to 
be hereafter? For it is composed of more than forty-thousand volumes, 
collected by the care of several Kings and Princes in Europe, by all the 
ambassadors that have set out of France these ten years, into places far- 
thest remote from this kingdom. To tell you that I have made voyages 
iuto Flanders, Italy, England, and Germany, to bring hither whatever 
I could procure that was rare and excellent, is little in comparison of 
the cares which so many crowned heads have taken to further the laud- 
able designs of his eminence. It is to these illustrious cares, gentlemen, 
that this good city of Paris is beholden for two-hundred bibles, which 
we have translated into all sorts of languages, for an history, that is the 
most universal, ami the best followed of any yet ever seen; for three 
thousand five-hundred volumes, purely and absolutely mathematical; 
for all the old and new editions, as well of the holy fathers, as of all 
other classick authors; for a company of schoolmen, such as never was 
the like; for lawyers of above an hundred and fifty provinces, the most 
trangers; above three-hundred bishops concerning councils; for rituals 
and offices of the church, an infinite number; for the laws and founda- 
tions of all religious houses, hospitals, communities, and confraterni- 
; for rules ajul practical secrets in all arts, both liberal and mcclia- 
for manuscripts in all languages, and all sciences. And to put 
o a discourse, which may never have one, if I should particula- 
e all the treasures which are heaped together within the compass of 
hambers, filled from top to bottom, whereof a calleiy, twelve fa- 
loms high, is reckoned but for one ; it is to these illustrious royal per- 
>ages, that this city of Paris, and not Paris only, but all France, and 
not France only, but all Europe, are indebted for a library. Wherein, 
d designs of his eminence had succeeded as happily, as they 
in-cast wisely, all the world should, before this, have had the li- 
berty to see and turn over, with as much leisure as benefit, all that 
ma, Greece, haly, and all the kingdoms of Europe, have 
n th*t tt 'VV' n ? U , la J rand admirable. A strange thing, gtntle- 
anl whin * T' Shed kwyers we ^ constrained to conies! their 

mt, when they saw the great collection that I had made of books, 



their profession, in this rich library. That the greatest heap of volumes, 
in physick, were nothing, compared with the number of those which 
were here gathered in that faculty. That philosophy was here more 
beautiful, more flourishing, than ever it \vasin Greece. That Italians, 
Germans, Spaniards, Englishmen, Polonians, Dutch, and other na- 
tions, found here the histories of their own nations, far more rich and 
better furnished than they could find in their several native countries. 
That catholicks and protestants might here try all sorts of passages in 
authors, and accord all manner of difficulties. And to accumulate all 
these perfections, to enhance them, and set them in their true lustre; 
is it not enough, gentlemen, to shew you assured proofs of his Emi- 
nence's intentions, that he resolvrd to present it to the publick, and to 
make it a common comfort for all poor scholars, religious persons, 
strangers, and for whoever is learned, or curious, here to find what is 
necessary or fit for them ? Is it not enough, gentlemen, to shew you 
the inscription, which should have been put upon the gate of the li- 
brary, to invite the world to enter with all manner of liberty, and 
which should have been set up about three years ago, if wars, and do- 
mestick dissensions, had not prejudiced the good intentions of his emi- 
nence? It is this: 

Ludotico XIV,feliciter imperante, Anna Austriaca, Castrorum Matrt 
August/ssimd Regmim sapientermoderante, Julius, S. R. E. Cardinalis 
Masarinus, iitrique Consilionnn Minister accent issimus, BMiuthecam 
Jianc omnium Lingitfirum, Artium, Sciaitiarunt, libns instnictmimam, 
Urbis splendori, Galliarum ornamcnto, Di&ciplinarum increment!), lu- 
bens, voiens, D. D. D. publict patere vuluit, ccnsu perpetuo dutavit, 
posteritati comwendavit. MDCXLVI1I. 

Behold, Gentlemen, an inscription, that may no' be called ancient; 
for it is long since it was first spoken of, and though it contain many 
things, I can assure you, that his Eminence intended somewhat more 
in his generous design of founding a publick library in the midst of 
France, under the direction and protection of the prime presidents of 
three sovereign courts of this city, and of the lord attorney-general, per- 
suading himself, that, by this means, so potent and venerable, posterity 
would perpetually enjoy a very advantageous pledge; and such, as 
without disparagement to the famous libraries of Rome, Milan, and 
Oxford, might pass, not only for the most goodly heap of books, that 
this age can shew, but likewise for the eighth wonder of the world. 

And this being true, as I am ready to swear upon the Holy Gospels, 
that the intention of his Eminence was always this, as 1 tell you; Can 
you permit, gentlemen, the publick to be deprived of a thing so useful 
and precious? Can you endure that this fair flower, which yet spreads 
its odour through all the world, should wither in your hands? And can 
you suffer, without regret, so innocent a piece, which can never suffer, 
but all the world will bear in a share in its loss, to receive the arrest of 
its condemnation from those who were appointed to honour it, and to 
favour it with their protection? Consider, gentlemen, that when this 
loss hath been suffered, there will not be a man in the world, though 

26 - 8 NEWS FROM FRANCE, &c. 

he have never so much authority in publick employment, never so 
much zeal to learning, that will be able to repair it. Believe, if you 
please, that the ruin of this library will be more carefully marked in all 
histories and calendars, than the taking and sacking of Constantinople. 
And, if my ten years toil in helping to gather such a work; if all the 
voyages which I have made for materials to it; if all the heavy careg 
that I have taken to set it in order; if the ardent zeal that I have had 
to preserve it to this hour, are not means sufficient to make me hope 
for some favour at your singular goodness; especially at this time, when 
you have the same excellent occasion to shew it towards this- library, 
which you had three years since, when, by a solemn arrest or ordi- 
nance, you resolved it should be preserved, and that I should have the 
keeping of it: Yet give me leave, gentlemen, to have recourse to the 
muses, seeing they are so far concerned in the preservation of this new 
Parnassus, and joining the interest they have in you, with my most 
humble prayers, speak to you in the same language which the Emperor 
Augustus used, when the question was, Whether Virgil's Jineids should 
be destroyed or saved? Which doubtless, was not so inimitable a piec? 
then, as this library will be to all posterity. 

solvetvr liter a dives? 

Et poterunt spectare oculi, nee parcere honori 
Flamma suo ; dignmnque operis servare decorem ? 
Noster Apullo veto ! MUSCE prohibete Latince ! 
Sed legum est servandajidet, suprema volunlas 
Quod mandatjieriquejubet, parere necesse est. 
Frangatur potids legum veneranda potestas, 
Quam tot congestos noctisque diesque labores, 
Hauserit una dies, supremaquejussa senates. 

Must such a rich and learnec, work be dissolv,' 
Can eyes with patience see't in flames involv'd? 
Metbinks the flames should spare it, sure the fire 
(More merciful than men) willsav't intire. 
Ah sweet Apollo hinder! Muses stay 
Their violence, and what though fond men say, 
'It is decreed; the ordinance is made; 
' The will of supreme power must be obey'd.' 
"Hather lot laws be broke, let reverend power, 
Lie prostrate, ere'tbesaid, that in one hour, 
A work so toil'd for many years, was late, 
Quite ruin'd by commandment from the state. 

GABRIEL NAUD^US, a Parisian. 

( 269 ) 


Obtained by the 


And the pursuing of the Dutch fleets, by General Blake and Sir George 
Ayscue, with one hundred and eighty men of war, towards the 
Downs, and their resolution to engage them, between Dover and 
Calais. The manner how Sir George Ayscue, with great policy, 
obtained the wind} the number sunk and taken; and two gallant 
ships, surprised by Captain Stoaks, laden with gold and elephants 
teeth. Also, the number of ships coming up the river of Thames for 
London, richly laden from the East Indies, the Streights, Virginia, 
and Barbadoes. 

Die Septembris 27, 1652. 

Extracted out of the original papers, sent, from Captain Stoaks, to the 
honourable council of state, on Sunday last, September the twenty- 

Imprinted at London, for George Horton, 1652. Quarto, containing eight 



UPON the advance of General Blake and Sir George Ayscue, with 
a fleet consisting of one-hundred and eight gallant sail, towards 
the Downs, they cleared the whole western channel before them, by 
sailing, as by order, within shot of each other; by which means, we 
cleared all from the coast of France to the coast of England, almost as 
if a bridge had been made over the channel; and thought to have 
fought the Dutch fleet at the same time, but they gave us the go-by, 
much like that of the Scots King, when he made an inroad into Eng- 
land, and are now sailed towards the Downs; whereupon, information 
being given thereof by the Assurance scout, who had forced her passage, 
even through the thickest of the action, from five Dutch men of war, 
the General hoised sail after them, but the wind, blowing stiff upon the 
north-point, could not reach so much as the enemy's rear-guard ; but, 
on the twenty-fifth instant, we had intelligence of their standing over to 
the coast of France; whereupon, the General and Sir George Ayscue 
bore up towards the Downs, with a most potent and invincible armada, 
consisting of one hundred stout men of war, whereof twelve were mer- 
chants ships; that is, the five from the East Indies, two from the 
Streights, two from Lisbon, in Spain, two from Virginia, and one from 
Barbadoes; all which are sent up the river for London. 


But not long had his excellency anchored upon those Neptune;. 
streams, but he^received advertisements from the Diamond, and other 
frigates, that had been scouting forth, that had been scouting forth, that 
a great fleet of Hollanders, consisting of at least two-hundred sail, was 
rid^in^ between Dover and Calais ; whereupon, Major Bourn was com- 
manded forth, with the great Andrew, the nimble Saphir, the famous 
Garland, and twenty-seven other stout men of war, as a forlorn to the 
navy, to engage the enemy, if possible. 

After hsin sailed ^ir George Ayscue, with thirty-five sail, as a reserve; 
and, within shot of the said squadron, the general bore up with the great 
ship, called the Commonwealth, and the rest of the fleet, flanking Sir 
George. The Dutch, perceiving their resolute motion, endeavoured to 
get Calais-point, but Sir George, to prevent them, bore 'up to the Ice- 
ward, by which means he got the wind of the Dutch fleet, and hath 
now engaged them. The Zealand ships lie at the head, of their fleet, and 
seem to be very resolute for ac.ion. Vice-admiral Evarson hath at- 
tempted to fire some of our ships, but was prevented; for Major Bourn, 
commanding the guard that night, received advertisements, from one of 
his scouts, of the near approach of some of the enemy's: ships, and pre- 
pared te receive them ; which he so effectually performed, that two of 
his fire-ships were soon waylaid, and the rest dissipated; insomuch 
that De \Yitte and lluttyer endeavour to decline engagement; but it is 
a thing impossible, for we now have them pretty fast upon the hug, and 
question not, by divine assistance, but to give them a sudden turn, by 
reason they are divided, having diversity of opinions, and manned with 
English, Flemings, Scots, Walloons, Switzers, and Germans. This great 
blow is suddenly expected; yet something further I should have insist- 
ed on, but I am forced to draw to a period, by reason the pacquet-boat 
is tailing of, and our ships ready to engage. 

Aboard the Ruby, Septemb. 25, 1(552. 

As touching our further victorious success against the Hollanders, it 
is confirmed by letters from Captain Stoaks, commander of the Dragon, 
to the council of state; who, having discovered two sail upon the coast 
ot France, made up to them, and found them to have Swedish colours ; 
but, coming aboard them, he discovered them to be Guiney ships, laden 
ith snjd ore and elephants teeth, and several letters, directed to Am- 
Jterdam, an'l other places in Holland, which, with other circumstances 
Rave cause to believe, that the lading of the said vessels belonged to the 
teh ; u hereupon, the captain brought the said ships into Plymouth, 
;hey now remain The officers of these prize ships say, that the 
ore and elephants teeth, and other lading therein, are worth about 
-thousand pounds ; the said captainliki wise took a pickroonof 
' UnS " d tvunt >" four men > which he 1'kewise brought into 

By an express from Dover, thus: The Dutch fleet, under De Witte, 
came Jn s,,ht ot tins town, at the back of the Goodwin, on the tenth 
Stan ; and on the eleventh, Uvelith, and thirteenth, pled to the west- 
ward; the fourteenth, they lay between Calais and Boulogne the i- 
tccntn, they came on tim ,ide with six frigates, and ga^ch.ce to a 


Sandwich pink, but she got safe into the Downs; the sixteenth, De 
Witte, with about thirty sail, came to this side again, having gotten sight 
of eight sail, coming to the westward ; bore up to them, and, between 
Foulkstone and this town, put the Sxvan frigate on shore, and three Mor- 
laix men, laden with linnen-'doth, and two or three small men- of this 
town, most of them ashore; the Mary fly-boat, and Brier frigate, got 
past them to this town, but exchanged several shot with them. Thus 
it pleased God to preserve them all. De Witte himself came very near 
the shore, and let several broad-sides fly at our ships, that were stranded, 
and Sandgate castle returned him several guns. Towards night he stood 
over to the French coast, to the vest of the fleet ; and, that tide, all our 
ships got off, but not without some damage, only the Swan frigate got a 
bulge, which made her unserviceable at present; the seventeenth, he lay at 
half sea over, betwixt Boulogne and this town; the eighteenth, he came 
to the back of the Goodwin with sixty sail, being resolved to play some 
feats against the English, or else never to return to his own country. 

De Witte is joined with Ruttyer, having seventy of the greatest ships 
that ever yet were set forth. Stout Evarson, of Zealand, is vice-admiral, 
whose mariners are famous, and were once accounted the stoutest ene- 
my that ever sailed upon the seas. But, truly Mr. Launsman, though 
you now usurp a privilege upon small game, the butter-box of your tri- 
fling honour may. perchance, melt away, in a hot day, with the English. 
For know, that injuries, in this kind, evermore prove like stones thrown 
up into the air; they may touse lustily for a while, like the aspiring 
sound of a trumpet, but, at last, they must of necessity fall down upon 
your ambition, to dissolve the injustice of your imperious spirits. They 
are grown so high and imperious, that they begin to truss up poor En- 
glishmen in several places, as a faulcon does wild ducks, especially 
about the coast of Norfolk, where, on Sunday, the twelfth instant, they 
adventured into the very harbour at Wells, and took away some vessels. 
This sudden exploit caused divers gentlemen, and others, with their fa- 
milies, to return higher into the country. 

By an express from Yarmouth, it is certified, that there is a fleet of 
seventy sail of colliers lying ready to be convoyed for London; and 
that there is another great fleet also in readiness at Newcastle, with thir- 
teen sail of island vessels of Captain Worm's fleet; but from him, and 
the rest, we yet hear no news. We hear that Colonel Airs and Doctor 
Chamberlain being bound for Ireland, through distress of weather, the 
vessel was in great danger by a storm, and, it is much feared, the pas- 
sengers are cast away. 

The Hollanders have agreed to send a navy to the East-Indies, with 
commission to destroy and depopulate those places of the English ; they 
are old excellent at the routing of you in high language, but are not a 
little moved, that you have gotten so many considerable prizes from 
their merchants. 

From France they write, that the prodigious force, and matchless 
valour of the Duke of York, causeth great admiration in the enemy's 
camp, who have felt wonderful and strange exploits, and yet the van- 
quished continually find his grace and favour; for, upon beating up 
f some of the Spanish quarters, a French colonel persuaded him to us 


the benefit of the advantage, which the darkness of the night afforded 
him. No, no, said he, it fits me not to hunt after night-stolen victories. 
Malo me fortunes paniteat, quam \ictoria: pudeat. I had rather repent me 
of my fortune than be ashamed of ray victory: 

From the navy, further thus: \\'e have received advertisements from 
Genoa, that eight of our ships, whereof four are men of war, and four 
merchantmen, have had a great dispute with nine Dutchmen of war, 
and, after a shoit conflict, with great gallantry and resolution perform- 
ed on both sides, it pleased God to crown the English with victory, and 
to deliver intotheir hands five of the enemy's best ships; but three got 
off, though, notwithstanding, they were much rent and torn; the other 
was sunk. These five, with those two, taken by Captain Stoaks, make 
up the whole number forty-seven; wherein were found great store of 
rich merchandises, ammunition, and, at least, seven-hundred pieces of 
ordnance; which is a great weakening to the States of Holland, and no 
little discouragement to their mariners, to see their own ships manned 
forth against them. 

These paiticulars from Captain Stoaks were confirmed by a letter to 
the council of state, on Sunday last, being the twenty-sixth of this instant, 
September, 1652. 



A just complaint to the Magistrates, 

Against them who have broken the statute-laws of God, by killing of men 
merely for theft. Manifested in a petition long since presented to the 
cqmmon-council of the city of London on the behalf of transgressors. 
Together with certain proposals, presented by Colonel Pride, to the 
right honourable the general council for the army, and the committee, 
appointed by tne Parliament of England, to consider of the inconve- 
mencies, mischiefs, chargeablcncss, and irregularities in their law. 

JEB. v. 4, 5, 6. 

Therefore I said, surely these are poor, they are foolish ; for they know 
not the way of Jehovah, nor the judgment of their God. 

I will get me unto the great men, and I will speak unto them; for they 
we known the way of Jehovah, the judgment of their God; but these have 
Mogtther broken the yoke, and burst the bonds. 

' Vide the 295th article in the catalogue of pamphlets. 


Therefore a lion out of the forest shall slay them; a wolf of the even- 
ings shall spoil them ; a leopard shall natch Over their cities ; every one 
that goeth out thence shall be torn in pieces, because their transgressions are 
many, and their backslidings arc strong. 

HOSEA v. 10, Jl, 12. 

The princes of Judah were like them that removed the bound ; / will 
pour out my wrath upon them like water. 

Ephraim is oppressed and broken in judgment, because he willingly walk- 
ed after the commandment. 

Therefore, will I be unto Ephraim as a moth ; and to the house of Judah 
as rottenness. 

HOSEA viii. 12. 

/ have written to him the great things of my law, but they were counted 
as a strange thing. 

Printed at London, for Samuel Chidley, dwelling in Bow-Lane, at the sign of 
the Chequer, 1652. Quarto, containing thirty-four pages in red letter. 


THIS little book reflecteth upon all those, who have broken the sta- 
tute laws of God, by killing of men merely for theft. Let such sinners 
who are the judges, or executioners of such over-much justice, be asha- 
med, and confounded for defiling the land with blood; if they hold on 
this their wonted course, now the light of lawful liberty breaketh forth, 
will not the land spue them out? For the earth crieth against this sin, 
which cannot be cleansed in an ordinary way, without the blood of him 
that sheddeth it. This is one of the abominations of the time, for which 
the saints ought to mourn. 

It is long since this following petition was presented to Thomas An- 
drews, Esq. the then lord mayor, and to the aldermen and common- 
council ; but, had they done but their duties, I had no need to print 
and publish these books in red letters, and present the same to them in 
the midst of their jollity, and to the learned judges of the land ; yea, to 
the commissioners of oyer and terminer, and goal-delivery, at the ses- 
sions at Newgate, before whom I appeared, to put them in mind of their 
duty, and of the law of God, which they had forgotten, and rested too 
much upon an arm of flesh; yea, if they had done what they 
were bound in conscience to do, and had observed that most 
righteous law, to which they were sworn, it would have saved me a la- 
bour of going to the council of state," general council of the army, 
or the parliament. Now, seeing little fruit yet appears, for the esta- 
blishing of the laws of God in this nation (for the lives of men are 
taken away merely for unvaluable trifles) I am once more pressed in 
spirit to publish the same, in manner and form following. Thussound- 

VOL. vi. s 


in" an alarm against the workers of iniquity, that they may repent, and 
turn from their evil ways ; so delivering my soul, and clearing myself 
of that blood-guiltiness, which lieth upon others, and especially upon 
rich men, who are called to weep and howl for the miseries that shall 
come upon others. For the bread of the needy is the life of the poor, 
and he that dtrfraudeth him of it is a murderer, and the scripture saith, 
'Thou shalt take no ransom for the life of a murderer that is guilty of 
death, but he shall surely be put to death.' But I hope, that some 
righteous men will take the matter into serious consideration, these our 
endeavours tending not only to the good of" those transgressors, who have 
not deserved death by the laws of God, but also, of those who put them 
to death unjustly, lest the justice of God take hold upon those who 
are the causers of it, and that the like punishment be inflicted justly 
upon them, which they inflict upon others unjustly. And, indeed, 1 do 
admire that men who profess to be governed by God's laws, and stand 
against tyranny, should have a finger in such a work ! Surely, such men, 
though they pretend never so much religion, are not fit to pray, nor to 
be piayed with : For, ' when they stretch forth their hands, God will 
hide his eyes, and, though they make many prayers, he will not hear 
them whose hands are full of blood.' 

To the Right Honourable the. Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons in 
common council assembled. 

The mournful petition of many inhabitants of the City of London, in the be- 
half of many thousand transgressors. 


PHAT, forasmuch as the righteous God exacteth no more of sinful 
- man, than his iniquities deserve, no magistrate is to punish a wicked 
man for his iniquity, beyond the rule of equity; that, seeing it is evident, 
that whatsoever is good is of God, and the contrary of Abaddon ; and 
that no man's will, though great, is good, be correspondent to 
the will of him who is greater than the greatest; nor the law of any au- 
thority whatsoever, unless it be according to the law of him, who is 
higher than the highest: Therefore, when great ungodly men have, by 
heir own wills, and inhuman laws, for many years, destroyed not only 
the righteous for conscience-sake, but also the wicked undeservedly, this 
was iniquity to be punished by the judge, though done byjudres them- 
es, who, by their over-much righteousness, and over-much wicked- 
new, the people abetting them, have brought death and destruction up- 
th.s land, and the hand of the Lord is stretched out still, against this 
sinlul nation, and unless they repent, they shall surely perish. 

I hat the head of this land is the sinful city of London, who, instead 

of bringing forth monthly good, for the healing of the nation, doth brin* 

that which tendeth to the destruction thereof; grey hairs being 

sprinkled here and there upon them, and they not am;, for they con- 

>0t, how many are destroyed every month, by the law ofman, 


contrary to the law of God, who hath declared, that if a thief be found 
breaking thro', the sun being risen upon him, and he be smitten that 
he die, blood shall be shed for him, Exod. xxii. 3, from whence it 
appeareth, that those are guilty before the Lord, who take away the 
life of any man, merely for stealing, when the Lord requireth, that he 
should make full restitution out of his estate, or, if he have nothing, 
that he should be sold for his theft. But contrariwise, their lives are 
taken away, merely for stealing; and commonly many, though found 
notorious thieves, yet have been discharged, with little or no punish- 
ment, either in person or purse, to the great damage of those who have 
lost their goods, and to the imboldening of the malefactors, and the 
want of the due execution of tke law of God upon them; and not set- 
ting them in a way to make restitution, to the owners, tendeth to the 
utter destruction, both of their bodies and souls. 

Therefore, our desire is, that ye would take these things into serious 
consideration, and, in your wisdoms, take such a prudent and effec- 
tual course, that, in the execution of justice, the remedy may not be 
worse than the disease, like those who kill their wounded patients, and 
wound themselves; but that punishment may be equalised proportion- 
able to the offences, that the prosecutors, or executors of the law, may 
have no cause to repent, and that one witness may not rise against any 
man, for any iniquity, but that, at the mouth of two or three witnesses, 
the matter may be established; and that ye would, by no means, make 
the wills of any men, or any human laws whatsoever, any rules for 
you to walk by, further than you see them agreeable to the holy will 
and word of God ; and that ye would, according to your power, seek 
to remove the dishonourable badges of infamy, from off your sinful 
city and nation, though never so ancient, familiar, common, and cus- 
tomary, and that ye would address yourselves to the parliament, for 
ihe obtaining of these things. 

And your affectionate petitioners shall pray. 

Here followeth a letter, written to Thomas Andrews, the Lord Mayor 

that then uas. 

London-Bridge, June 25th, 164.9. 
Right Honourable, 

I Hope your lordship hath not forgotten our petition in the behalf of 
transgressors; Christ made intercession to God for transgressors, who 
were guilty o.f eternal death before God; we make intercession for men 
who are not guilty of temporal death before men. Divers petitions have 
been promoted in the behalf of saints, and it was a very good and ac- 
ceptable service; this is for sinners whom it may be, God will call 
effectually, for Christ died for the ungodly, and received gifts for the 
rebellious. I have written this inclosed paper, to further the petition; 
I desire that my counsel may be acceptable unto your honour, so 
long as it is agreeable with God's word, and if it be agreeable ,to your 

s 2 


lordship's affection, I hope you will assist in it according to your power, 
and prosecute it with all your might, and make haste, and not delay, 
to keep the righteous judgments of the God of judgment, who hath pro- 
mised to be for a spirit of judgment, to him that sitteth in judgment. 

Right honourable, you may be pleased to remember what I said; t 
know no friend of mine that is guilty of theft; what I have done is in 
conscience to God, and compassion to my native country, and in ten- 
der respect to your honour, that the heavy wrath of God may not fall 
upon you, and the whole nation ; at least, that some of the rods of 
God may be taken away, or that some of his judgments may be stayed. 
I desire to be a good example to the sons of men, that they may clear 
themselves of blood-guiltiiifss. I desire your lordship again to consider 
seriously of this inclosed writing; I have shewed it to just men, and 
they approve of it. Your lordship in your wisdom may take counsel 
of wise men, and of the ancients, concerning this matter, and hear 
what they say thereunto; but, above all, search the scripture, for 
whatsoever is not according to that, hath no light in it; and it is a 
maxim in law, that all laws which are not according to God's law, and 
pure reason, are void and null; and, if so, then not binding to a citizen, 
or to any other under Heaven, and so are no rules for me to walk by; 
but it is the word of God, which is binding, and yet is not bound. 

Honourable Sir, I am, 

Your Lordships humble servant, 


Certain Reasons of weighty consideration, in reference to the petition to 
the Common-Council, in behalf of transgressors. 

ALTHOUGH there be ground sufficient enough in the petition itself 

o evince, that no malefactor's life should be taken away, merely for 

when the Lord requ,reth, that satisfaction should be made out of 

is estate, and ,f he have nothing, that he should be sold for his theft- 

yet, because of the .gnorance and hardness of men's hearts and 

. propose 

To takeaway the life of any man only for theft, as aforesaid is ini- 

tyrannical, and provoketh the God of i,H y ' barbarous > and 

ments upon the ntion t at abete h 

destruction, to destroy men by he law of 


wound for wound, stripe for stripe,' Exod. xxi. 23, 24, 25. It is not 
life for eye, but eye for eye; nor eye for tooth, but tooth for tooth; so 
that, if a man require more, it is iniquity. Prov. xxx. 6. Therefore, if 
a man put out his neighbour's eye, strike out his tooth, and bruise his 
hand, but doth not kill, he ought not to be killed for this, but must 
lose his eye, and his toolh, and as he hath done to his neighbour, so it 
must be done to him; as it is written, breach for breach, eye for eye, 
tooth for tooth ; as he hath caused a blemish in a man, so shall it be 
done to him again; and he that killeth a beast, shall restore it, and he 
that killeth a man, shall be surely put to death; and the same Lord 
saith, ' Ye shall have one manner of law, as well for the stranger, as for 
one of your own country,' Lcvit. xxiv. 17, 18, ip, 20, 21, 22. The 
Lord of life hath expresly declared, and it is known to all men living, 
* That the life is more than meat, and the body is more than raiment,' 
Luke xii. 22. If then the life be more than meat, no man's life should 
be taken away for meat, much less for raiment, which is interior; and 
all things, necessary for the temporal life and body of man, are com- 
prehended iu these terms, food and raiment, Deut. x. 18. 1 Tim. vi. 


The God of the spirits of all flesh hath declared plainly, in his most 
just and righteous law, '1 hat, ' if a thief be found breaking through, the 
sun being risen upon him, and be smitten that he die, blood shall be 
shed for him,' Exod. xxii. 3. And he renders this reason, for he should 
make full restitution, and, if he have nothing, he shall be sold for his 
theft; and the Lord hath not said, that he that stealeth food, or rai- 
ment, shall be put to death, or that his blood shall be shed; but, 
' Whoso sheddeth man's blood, by man shallhis blood be shed,' Gen. ix. 
6. So then it appeareth, that it is murder by the law of God to kill a 
man merely for stealing, when the Lord saith he should make full 
restitution, and if he have nothing, he shall be sold, not killed, for his 
theft ; and, amongst his statute-laws, hath stated particular cases in 
this, as well as in other things, and made them so plain, that mean 
capacities may decide controversies of this nature. 

And, as there is no precept nor consequence in the word of God for 
this unjust practice, so there is no precedent in Israel, but many in 
England, the more is their misery; but, as that ancient Father Austin 
saith, That man is miserable, who is not sensible of his misery, which 
may well be applied unto this sinful and miserable nation, who are not 
sensible of the dangerous consequence of this one deadly evil amongst 
the rest; how unjust a thing it is to kill a man for stealing fourteen 
pence. Let all men reasonable judge; for so is the law of this land, 
according to which the people are forced to prosecute the thieves; but, 
in King Solomon's time, Men did not despise a thief in some case, 
Prov. vi. 30. And he who is greater than Solomon, even the Lord 
Jesus Christ, who is the Prince of the Kings of the earth, hath not given 
the least hint, that he that stealeth food, or raiment, should be killed, 
but He, that leadeth into captivity, shall go into captivity ; and he, 
that killeth with the sword, must be killed with the sword. Revel, xiii. 
10. But, concerning theft, it is said, * Let him that stole, steal no 
more;' he doth not say, let him be hanged; 'but rather let him labour 



wit h his bands the thing that is good, that he may have to distribute ft 
Tim that needeth, 'Ephes. iv. 28. And it is expresly commanded 
hat 'he that will not work, neither should he eat, 2 Thcs. 111. 10. 
Many precepts, precedents, and propositions may be brought to con- 
firm [he premisses, but this is enough at this time/ A word to the wist 

is sufficient. 

A letter written the Uth of December, L65I, by Samuel Chidley, to the 
Riaht Honourable the Commissioners of Oyer and Tenmner, and Gaol- 
Delivery of Newgate. 

Riht Worshipful and Honourable, 

ALTHOUGH I know not any of my acquaintance to be guilty of 
theft, yet I seek to save the lives of these sinners whom God would have 
preserved; and, I coming down to this judgment-seat, it being as free 
for me as another to see justice done; and, observing your proceedings 
from the beginning hitherto, how, in many things, you go against the 
very K-tter and equity of the law of the only law-maker, by whom, and 
by which, yourselves must be judged, caused me to call to mind, how 
that great men are not always wise, neither do the aged always under- 
stand judgment. 

Right Honourable, I am sorry to see you go on still in your wonted 
course, of arraigning men for their lives merely for theft. I have ob- 
served, that the persons, who are arraigned before your honours, are 
poor labourers, and such creatures who stole things of a small value, 
peradventure, for mere necessity; yet you arraign them for their lives, 
when the Law of God requireth their preservation in such a way, that 
they may make satisfaction, and not, if disabled, to force them into a ne- 
cessity of stealing again ; but they are great sinners indeed, who rob men 
of their precious lives. And the worst of men are such, as despise and 
destroy thieves that steal, n\erely to satisfy their hunger. It seems 
some of the thieves you will press, for not holding up their hands at 
your command, or for not answering to that interrogatory, guilty? or 
not guilty? Consider, I pray you, how circumstantial these things are; 
the weight of trials depends not hereupon, as I humbly conceive. For 
it is possible that a murderer, when he is arraigned, may want his 
hands, and another may be dumb; yet you may proceed to judgment 
against him, if sufficient evidence come in, and that the jury, who are 
judges in matter of fact, and, if they will, in matters of law, find them 
guilty. Surely you must take no ransom for the life of a murderer, 
though he cannot, or will not, hold up his hand at the bar, or say, 
that he is guilty; for, by the law, no man is bound to accuse himself, 
therefore the guilty person is not bound to say he, is guilty ; and, if h - 
should say, not guilty, what is he the better? 

This is my opinion, which I humbly leave to the serious considera- 
tion of this honourable bench. 1 would to God that you would try 
such men by the laws of God, who cast themselves upon God and the 
country. And oh! that you would put the judgments of God in ex- 


eution, seeing you are his stewards; all laws being subordinate to God's 
laws, as the country is to God himself; then your tranquillity would 
be lengthened. Consider what I say, in the fear of God, for life is 
above liberty and estate. The jewel of one man's life all your estates 
cannot balance. I took notice of a passage of the Lord Chief Justice 
Rolls, and it was well observed, how that the thieves are honest, be- 
fore they come in gaol, and there they become naught, and learn to lye, 
by saying, not guilty, when they had confessed it before. If it be so, 
then great pity it that they should not be in such a place, where they 
may be put in a way and course to make satisfaction according to the 
direction of the wisdom of God, by whom princes and nobles, yea, all 
the judges of the earth are said to rale. So, leaving these conscien- 
tious dictates to your serious thoughts, I subscribe myself, 

Sessions, Dec. 11, Your s humble servant, devoted to 

in the year of the fear of God, and service of 

Christ 1651. the commonwealth, according to 

the laws of God, and not other- 


This letter was dc-livered unto the bench, about the third hour of the 
day, where, when Mr. Chidley was called, he made answer, and came 
to the board, and the letter was there publickly owned by him, as his 
own hand-writing, which he would stand by and justify, it being, as 
he said, a discharging of his conscience, as a testimony before them all, 
which he left to their serious consideration; whereupon he was com- 
manded, by the bench, to depart, and was put out of the court, he 
speaking in the justification of the statutes of God to be right, and the 
precepts of men to be wrong, in taking away men's lives for such trivial 

After he was put out, they gave sentence against the prisoner at the 
bar, who was arraigned for stealing, and would not hold up his hand, 
nor plead, but besought them that the letter might be read publickly, 
that all the bench might hear; and then, saith he, afterwards I will 
plead, whatsoever comt's of it, whether I live, or die. But they would 
not hearken unto him, but proceeded; and, by the Recorder, Mr. 
Steele, who was their mouth, gave sentence against him, which was to 
this effect: That he should go from thence to the place from whence he 
came, and be led into a dark room where there was no light, and should 
be stripped naked, only his privy members and his head coverqd, and 
his arms stretched forth, both on the one side and on the other, as far 
as they could be stretched ; and that he should be laid along on his 
back, and have as much weight laid upon him as he was able to bear, 
and more; and, the next day, he should have only three morsels of 
barley-bread, without any drink; and, the day following, three 
draughts of the kennel- water running under Newgate as much as he 
could drink, and so to remain in that condition from day to day till he 

Pal, cxix. 126, 127, 128. It is time for thee, Lord, to work, for 



they have made void thy law. Therefore I love thy commandments 
above gold, yea, above fine gold. Therefore 1 esteem all thy precepts, 
concerning all things to be right; and I hate every false way. . 

To the Right Honourable the Council of State. 
The humble petition of Samuel Chidley, 


THAT your petitioner, setting the fear of the Lord of Lords before hi* 
eyes, and advancing the judgments and laws of the God of Gods in his 
heart before the precepts of frail man, was moved, in zeal to his most 
sacred Majesty, to discharge his conscience in the best and most peace- 
able way he could devise, and, accordingly, hath given testimony of 
the truth, at the judgment-seat before the sessions in the Old- Bailey, 
the eleventh of this month, as may appear unto your honours by the 
printed relation hereunto annexed ; yet, notwithstanding they proceed 
according to the usual custom, which is against the law of God, the 
good things contained in the solemn league and covenant of the nation, 
the oath of every freeman of London, reason itself, the witness of con- 
science well checked, or rightly rectified, and the whole creation of 

My humble desire is, that this honourable council would be pleased,, 
in their prudence, to take such a speedy course, that the condemned 
persons yet alive (who are not guilty of death by the laws of God, na- 
ture, or equity) may be reprieved, till the parliament of this common- 
wealth hath heard and determined this matter; so shall you. find much 
eomfort. Jehovah will be with the good. 

And your petitioner shall pray, &c. 


To the Right Honourable the General Council for the Army. 
The Humble Proposals of Samuel Chidley, 


>, i f ,V f ; asmuch M the Lord of Lords hath anointed you to be the 
the forces, which he hath mustered up for the destruction of 

' m "" Wh afe 

to ? Wh afe com P a <^d together, as one man, 

iffiJtSS* y f ^\ T laWS ' Which the y have set U P in Direct 


obedience unto the statute-laws of God, which, at this day, in the main 
fundamental parts thereof, are trampled upon by those who have the 
form of godliness, and deny the power thereof in their practices, as 
may appear by their putting of men to death for trivial matters, con- 
trary to the law of God ; for God's law saith, If a thief steal, he shall 
make restitution out of his estate; and, if he have nothing, he is to be 
sold for his theft, but not killed. Now, although my soul abhors the 
sin of theft, it deserving the punishment of eternal death before God, 
how much more the crying sin of murder? And, though I know not 
any of them, and, for aught I know, not one of them knows me, yet, 
because I see no man valiant for God, nor stand to make up the gap, I, 
for want of a better, am moved, in zeal for God's glory, to cry out 
against the irrational and irregular proceedings of men, who set up or 
maintain a flag or standard of defiance against their own consciences, 
and the most righteous laws of the only law-maker; and this I hav. 
endeavoured to do in such a peaceable way, that my transaction ci* 
this business for God may not savour of any bitterness of spirit in m>?, 
against the persons of those men, or contempt of their lawful authority, 
who sit in judgment, and do err therein, as I humbly conceive; but, 
seeing God hath said, He will magnify his law, and make it honour- 
able; and that it hath been a usual course with him to make choice of 
weak instruments, to make his truth known; I, therefore, upon this 
account, was resolved to put forth myself, and engage my heart in this 
business, the consequence whereof, when accomplished, will be more 
than I will speak of at this time; and, although I endure some re- 
proaches for it, some saying, What a thief is this to attempt such a 
work? And that none but thieves would do it; yet I am led forward by 
such a spirit, as, I hope, will so carry me upon the wings of his provi- 
dence in the managing hereof, that I shall not be discouraged, notwith- 
standing human frailty. And, because I have a seasonable opportunity 
to acquaint your honours with this business, and to crave your assist- 
ance, I desire you, in the first place, to consider my printed papers, 
wherein I have shewed my dislike of putting men to death for stealing; 
and, for the further amplification and inlargement thereof, I desire you 
to consider of these positions ; 

1. That God is the only law-maker, and that his law is the ancient- 
est and the best that ever was, or can be possibly invented by any par- 
liament, to which all men are bound under pain of damnation ; and 
that whatsoever laws and proceedings are opposite thereunto, in the 
smallest measure, are unjust, and the executioners thereof do sin; and, 
by how much the greater the precept is, by so much the more do they 
offend that violate the same. 

2. God hath no where given liberty, but hath prohibited, that the 
life of any man should be taken away for stealing, and hath manifested 
he would have their lives preserved; therefore to take away their lives 
is a sin, a crying sin, yea, I may say it is a national sin, for which 
God hath, and will visit them with the arrows of his indignation. Yet, 
the people arc so blinded with this corrupt custom, that they know it 
not, neither will they understand, but think they do well, and that 


have peace, though they walk on in darkness, while the 

J * ** law of the land to put 
thieve to death for stealing to the value of thirteen pence ha fpenny, 

answer That no law is to be observed, if it be against the law "of 
God especially in the taking awuy of men's lives ; yea God was so far 
from commanding such thieves to be put to death, that he require* 
their blood at the hands of them that shed it, though done m the very 
act of breaking through, it the sun be risen upon them. 

S The putting them to death is expresly against the law of God, 
because it disableth them for ever from making satisfaction to the owners 
of the goods- yea, such is the corruption of the laws and customs of 
this land, that he, that discovers the thief, is bound over to prosecute 
Kim, tho' it be to the taking away of his life; and, after he has done 
that' the owner shall sustain damage nevertheless, and he can have no 
more than the life of the thief; and some men are so ignorant, cruel, 
hard-hearted, and revengi ful, that they will take away the lives of the 
petty thieves in revenge, taking an opportunity, upon the advantage of 
the law, to exercise their bloody cruelty upon them. 

And such is the corruption of the laws, that, if the thief steal to the 
value of thirteen pence halfpenny, he shall be hanged, as Judge Byron, 
in his casi-s, hath declared; and sometimes their lives are taken away 
upon a single evidence; whereas there ought to be two witnssses to 
prove every fact, and one witness ought not to rise up against any man, 
to put him to death. So God hath said, whose word is a law amongst 
saints, though sinners cast the same behind their backs. 

4. The law of putting poor thieves to death for stealing, that are 
not able to make restitution out of their estates, is against God's law; 
because, in such cases, God hath said they shall be sold for their theft. 
Now, though they are worth somewhat, while they are living, yet, 
when they are dead, they are worth nothing ; yea, a living dog is bet- 
ter than a dead lion. Men would rather, in such cases, bury dead men, 
than buy them; and, how unjust a thing it is to put them to death, 
seeing the apostle saith, Let them labour with their hands, let all ra- 
tional men judge. The apostle saith, They should labour with their 
hands: No, saith the bench, they shall be hanged ; tie up their hands, 
and he that hath benefit of clergy, and can read his neck-verse, burn 
him on the hand. By this he is disabled for the present, that he can- 
not labour with his hand, and, if he would, he is forced into a neces- 
sity of stealing again, if no man will set him on work ; which thing men 
will be cautious to do to one that carrieth such a brand of infamyupon 

5. This murdering law is the cause wherefore many murders are 
committed by robbers in the act of stealing; for the thieves know it is 
a hanging matter to steal, and it is no more to commit murder; and 
then, for safety of their lives, and to hide their theft, they commit 
murder, for fear the party should come and witness against them, to the 
taking away of their lives. 

6. This law is the cause wherefore many thieves escape, and per- 
sons come not in to prosecute them, because they find, that the remedy 


would he worse than the disease; for, if they prosecute them, they 
shall be put to a great deal of expence and charge, and, peradventure, 
the thief shall lose his life, and the parties their goods; whereas, if 
there were a way for restitution by them, there would be more prosecu- 
tion of them. 

Obj. But it is objected, What shall we do with them? 
Answ. I answer: He that hath stolen, if the theft be found in his 
hands, is to forfeit the double; if he has made it away, he is to forfeit 
four-fold, and his estate is to be taken to satisfy the debt. 

Obj. But what if he has no estate ? It may be, he is some poor 
rogue, that is worth nothing. 

Answ. I answer: He must be soH for his theft. 
Obj. But who will buy him? No-body will be troubled with him. 
Answ. I answer: Either the party who hath sustained the damage ig 
to take him, or he may be set on work in our own country, by land, 
or by water, being chained up; they might work in mines, heave coals, 
and earn three or four shillings a day; or row in gallics, or be put in 
workhouses for to pun hemp, or other servile employments And why 
cannot we put them to it here, as well as the Hollanders there, till 
they have made satisfaction? And not put the thieves in such places, 
which are a hell on earth, where they learn to be worse,, than ever 
they were before. Or they may be transported to some of our own 
plantations, where some, that have been in the like condition tran- 
sported, have soon become honest, and, being very ingenious, have 
been able to teach the planters; which maketh the merchants to prize 
the thieves far above the ordinary vagrants, or other persons that are 
taken up by the spirits in the streets, because they want that ingenuity 
that the thieves have; for, generally, the wittiest rogues are the greatest 

Obj. But would not this be great tyranny, that men should be sold as 
slaves ? 

Answ. I answer to that: They are not sold for ever, but only for 
their theft; ahd it is a worse slavery, yea, a great tyranny indeed,, t 
take away their lives. 

Obj. But what if they run away? 

Answ. Then they contract upon themselves a double debt. 
Obj. But what if they will not work? 

Answ. They must not eat. And, before such an one will die for 
hunger, doubtless, he will eat the flesh off his arm; and, before he 
will eat his own flesh, it may be he will work. Hunger will break 
through stone walls, and, if any thing will force him to work, this will, 
for his belly requires it of him; but, if he will perish, let him perish; 
his own blood is upon his own head, and the commonwealth is dis- 
charged of it. 

Such courses as these would be a means to terrify the thieves, and 
suppress theft, for many of them would rather be hanged. But, if a 
man would be hanged, he must not have his desire, unless the lavr 
require it; so, though thieves chuse to die against the law of God, ra- 
ther than to live according to it, they must be kept alive notwithstand- 
ing, and set hard at work to earn their bread, and the overplus must 


pay for their theft. And then, if any (as I hope many will) be con- 
verted in this their captive condition, O, how will they bless the time 
that ever such compulsion was used, whereby they learned to knovr 
themselves, and to remember their Creator! And he, that is an instru- 
mental means of converting one poor sinner, shall have no cause to be 
sorry for it in the day of account. 

7. Another abuse in the proceedings of the law of this land is, that, 
whereas God's law requireth that the witnesses should be executioners 
of death on their malefactor, a condemned executioner doth it, who, is 
the notoriousi'st rogue that can be found, and one that knows nothing 
of the business, whether he, whom he hangs, be an honest man or a 
knave; he will hang a martyr as well as a thief, but, doubtless, he 
hath a check of conscience, as well as his masters, else why will he ask 
them forgiveness before he turns them off? Now all that can be 
alledged lor the hangman is, he doth but his office, he is but an exe- 
cutioner of the law and sentence. And the like the judges do alledge 
for themselves. Alas (say they) what can we do, we are but the execu- 
tioners of the law of the land, and, till the parliament alter the law, 
we must observe our ordinary rules. Why do you come to us? What 
Would you have us do? We have not power. 

But judges ought to be men of courage,- fearing God, and hating 
covetousness, and such as will observe God's laws, and judge accord- 
ing to his statute book; and by the laws of God, no executioner ought 
to inflict death upon any man, unless he in the execution of him be 
satisfied in his own conscience, that the man ought to die, else he is a 
murderer after a manner, though the offender deserveth death ; yet, if a 
man be not convinced of it, he ought not to put him to death, by any 
command whatsoever, and, if the witnesses will not do it, they must 
be severely dealt with. 

This is my opinion, which I humbly submit to the consideration of 
those who have more understanding than myself. 

8. Another abuse, which I find in the proceedings of the law, is in 
the pressing men to death, because they will not hold up their hands at 
the bar, or say they are guilty, or not guilty; upon which circumstan- 
tial nicety, they condemn them to be pressed in such a tyrannical man- 
ner, that the very sentence itself is enough to terrify the poor creatures, 
and make them open their months to confess their own guiltiness, or 
else to lye against their own consciences. 

Obj. But it is objected, That they are pressed to death, within half 
an hour at the most, and that they are not kept in such a lingering con- 
dition, according to the sentence.^ 

A*sm. I answer: If they put them to death before their time, 
herein they go beyond their commission. But indeed the executioners do 
it out of compassion to the condemned, to dispatch him out of his tor- 
ment; something like a physician, tba % t will give his patient something 
in pity, to rid him out of his pain, because he believeth he must die 
and cannot escape his fit of sickness, so making more haste than oood 

Now the proceeding against such malefactors who will not hold up 
their hands, and plead, is Without examination of witnesses, yet they 


will take his life away pro confesso; but by what law I know not, unless 
a law of antichrist; I am sure such precepts came neither from Mount 
Sion, nor Mount Sinai: these have out-stripped Herod and Pontius 
Pilate. The Gentiles, that knew not the law, did not compel man to lye, 
by saying not guilty, when they were guilty ; nor to go against the law 
of nature, to accuse themselves by confessing their own guilt; but of 
all cruelty there is none like that of Antichrist, the Man of Sin, and 
that beast with seven heads, and ten horns, spoke of in Revel, xiii. and 
they exercise it upon their own brethren, even the members of their 
church. Thus the crowned locusts, in the midst of ./Egyptian dark- 
ness, are a plague to the men of the earth. , 

But the way to try a thief is to examine the witnesses, and, if they 
prove matter of fact, the judge is to declare, how much he must pay, 
and to command that law to be put in execution. That his estate 
should be seized, and, if it will not satisfy, he must deliver up his per- 
son, not so much as to lose a limb, or any member of his body, but to 
go immediately to the work-house, or place where he may be safely 
kept with sufficient food, and work enough, as much as he is able to do, 
and ply it constantly early and late every day (Lord's days excepted) 
and to have sufficient time to sleep and rest ; and when they have 
wrought out their theft, then to be freed, and, if they steal again, to 
serve them in the same kind ; as, if the thief steal a hundred pounds, 
he should pay two hundred pounds, if it be found with him ; but, if 
he have spent the money, he shall pay four hundred pounds. 

If this course were well followed, Tyburn would lose many custom- 
ers, for it would much abate the number of thieves and murderers. 

My desire is, that your honours would have the parliament to put 
God's law in execution, concerning this thing, and what it is I have 
declared before. 

It hath been desired, that laws should be drawn up from God's 
word, for the government of this nation; but unless the parliament will 
be pleased to confirm them, what are we the better? Ordinary men 
cannot impose, all they can do is only to propose; only God hath 
declared, His testimonies must be bound up, and his law sealed 
amongst his disciples. But others do take upon them, to make laws 
besides, and contrary to the laws of God ; moreover, if the parliament 
should countenance such a thing, that certain men should be appointed 
to draw up laws, according to the laws of God, it will ask a great deal 
of time; and it is a work that the wisest and holiest men, in the world, 
will find too great for them to undertake to do, without errors, unless 
they were infallibly inspired by the Holy Ghost. MOS.S was in the 
mount with God, forty days and forty nights, and neither eat nor 
drank; and forty days and forty nights after that likewise; neither do 
we read, that he saw sleep with his eyes, in all that time; and after 
he wrote the laws and precepts for all Israel, with the statutes and judg- 
ments; he was therein guided by the immediate direction of the Spirit 
of God infallibly, and how long he was writing them, we know not, 
but they are very full and brief, and very sufficient for the government 
of that nation; neither had any nation such an excellent law as Israel 
had j neither was there so excellent a government amongst any people, 



, faithful city, righteousness 


n > 

Hr, b caus the word of God was committed unto them. Now 
be ft will be a longtime before the Parliament witl estabhsh the 
vs of God, or give way for laws to be imposed upon this nation, which 
aTsu table thereunto;" and when such a work is set upon, it will be 
loL before it be accomplished, for whosoever takcth it upon them must 
devote themselves wholly to the work, and when they have used their 
best endeavours, a wonder it will be, if the laws they draw up, with the 
manner of proceedings, will be so perfect, that they need no amend- 
lento, in respect of manner and form ; and a long time will be spent in 
debate before such a work be admitted to be attempted. And therefore 
I humbly conceive, that it is a meet, that this business, concerning the 
preservation of the petty thieves, should be concluded now, with all 
speed being out of controversy, and afterwards to do the rest according 
as time and opportunity will afford. For this doth concern lite, which 
is above person, name, liberty, and estate. And this thing, being done, 
wW render the antichristian priests, and lying lawyers, the basest of men, 
who have lived upon the souls and bodies of men, and have not had the 
fear of God before their eyes, but have made their belly their God, and 
their glory their shame, and their end shall be destruction, unless they 
repent. And, as a testimony of the truth of God in this particular, I set 
to my hand, this thirty-first of December, 1651. 


A letter written to the regulators of the law, appointed by the Parliar 
ment, and sent, and presented to that committee. 

From my mother's house in Soper-Lane, London, Feb. 25, 1651. 

Honourable Gentlemen, 

FORASMUCH as you are appointed by the Parliament, to consider 
of the inconveniencies, mischiefs, chargcableness, and irregularities, 
in your law, and that you have professed your willingness to receive 
whatsoever persons have to offer in relation thereunto. I hold it meet 
to present you with these inclosed papers, which, peradventure, may be 
a means to shorten your seven years tedious work, and wherein you may 
observe that I have endeavoured to discharge my conscience before all, 
witnessing against that hateful sin of putting men to death merely for 
theft, although the God of nature doth teach a contrary lesson. But 
who is so blind as those that will not see ? Surely covetousness is the root 
of all evil, and gifts destroy the heart, and blind the eyes of the wise, 
*nd pervert the judgment of the righteous; and men in the greatest pla- 
ces, are the greatest unbelievers, for they have not so much faith as to 
trust God with their substance, but use indirect means to make uncer- 


tain riches certain; as may appear by their putting thieves to death for 

Now, when I found so little fruit in the magistrates of the city of 
London, as you may see by my printed relations, I was sorry that my 
endeavours produced no better effect amongst them, whose predecessors 
have always been very forward to put the laws of man in execution, 
though they were never so ridiculous, and contrary to reason and re- 

1 sent and went unto others, whom it likewise principally concerned, 
even to those who are called the learned judges of the land, and declared 
my judgment to as many of them as I could meet with, that they might 
not suffer their mouth to cause their flesh to sin, by pronouncing unjust 
murdering sentences. 

I went down also to the sessions, but I could gather no grapes off 

And after I had delivered a letter to the lord president Bradshaw, to be 
presented unto the council of state ; I remembered that the officers of 
the army were men professing great things, for the advancement of God's 
glory ; so I presented some humble proposals to those honourable gen- 
tlemen, which were well resented by them, a copy of which I have sent 
you here inclosed with this petition, which should have been presented 
to the house ; but some of the members conceive the business to be pro- 
per for you to take cognisance of, because you are appointed to consi- 
der, and make report of the evils of your law, for reformation thereof; 
therefore you ought to cry out against murder before you do any thing 
else, for this concerneth men's lives; the best of your actions herein, in 
my judgment, having been at the most but a tything of mint, anise, and 
cummin, and you have neglected mercy, one of the weighty matters of 
the law ; for I am verily persuaded, that it was in your power to have 
put a stop to the murdering of those men which were hanged at Tyburn 
the last sessions, for stealing five shillings and six pence. I hoped that 
you would have gone to the root, and not cropped only the branches of 
wicked laws. I am angry, and grieved at the heart, that you should so 
dally in God's matters, as not to acquaint the house with such a gross, 
unnatural, inhuman practice of the law, as killing of the petty thieves. 
I desire the Lord to give you repenting and relenting hearts, tor doing 
his work so negligently, to value men's lives no more ; for it is a sin, and 
shame, that the land should still be defiled with more blood; and how 
you can answer it in the day of account, for not preventing such mis- 
chief, when you knew how to do it, and had an opportunity in your 
hands, I know not. In my opinion, if you follow your work never so 
close, if you omit this business of weight, you will make a long harvest 
of a little fruit; no doubt, but the time will be long before you have 
swimmed through the ocean sea of your troublesome laws. For, what 
is the chaff to the corn, or the heap of ashes to the spark that is hid under 
it ? May not the Parliament, by the west-wind of their legislative pow- 
er, blow such combustible stubble away ? You sit as refiners, but time 
is precious, and dross is not worth the labour of refining, and a leaden 
law is too heavy for an honest heart; and we ought not to think, that 
such a* law, because it is a law, will be a sufficient excuse to the execu- 


rioners thereof; so long as it is idolatrous, prophane, rebellious, blood}', 
adulterous, thievish, lying, and covetous; certainly, that law cannot be 
good, that lorceth all men to prefer the meanest thing before thegreatest* 
that is, a little wicked mammon with an idolatrous badge upon it, be- 
fore a man's precious life. Solomon esteemed more of aliving dog, than 
those, who have killed men merely for stealing, have (or had) of living 
men. Now, if God do touch your hearts, and make you thoroughly 
sensible of the abominations of the time, and set you in a mourning pos- 
ture, that you may bewail your neglect in suffering the poor thieves to 
be put to death, when it was in your power to have prevented it ; then, 
you may the better goon, like Josiah's men, whom beset to spy out the 
abominations in the land, and set up a sign, wheresoever you find a 
bone of Haman-gog unburied, and go on, and let the nation know the 
idolatry, and superstition of their law, and its prophaneness, and the sab- 
bath-breaking thereof ; the rebellion of their law, the murder of their 
law, the adultery of their law, the theft of their law, the lying of their 
law, and the covetousness of their law; and lastly, the uncharitablenes* 
of their law, which is the end thereof, and so I end; 

Yours (and the Commonwealth's servant) in all lawful things. 



WHERE are they that are valiant for the truth, and will do the work 
the Lord diligently? If thou hast any spark of love or zeal to main- 
tain the wonderful statutes of God, which my soul keeps; I charge thee, 
as thou wilt answer before the tribunal-seat of God's eternal vengeance, 
that thou hinder not the publication of this to all persons, who have an 
ear open to hear, neither conceal this precious truth, which will main- 
tain him that maintaincth it, and bring him into more acquaintance with 
God. For, doubtless, the standing for the statutes and judgments of the 
holy and blessed God is a most blessed work, and the establishment 
thereof in this nation will work a more blessed reformation, than yet 
hath been, or shall be spoken of, at this time. 

By Mr. Chidley's appointment, who is the author of this book, one of 
hem should have been nailed upon Tyburn gallows, before the execu- 
tion, with this motto written on the top: 

Cursed be that bloody hand, 

Which takes this down without command. 

At a witness against such cursed proceedings of murdering men, merely 
teal ng food or raiment. But the party could not nail it upon Ty- 

M?t n7i I T' u- h u Cr Wd f P C P le ' and ' thercfore > *"-ced 
to nail it to the tree, which ,s upon the bank by the gallows; and there 

remaned and was read by many, both before and aVter execution and 
. is thought will stand there still, till it drop away 

( 289 ) 





Both in sense, form, and practice; communicated to publick view, by 
especial order and command. 

Quarto, containing eight pages. 

WE the commissioners of the grand and weighty business of regula- 
ting the law, which have taken no smallpains in sitting all this 
while, with the assistance of a single-scaled minister, have at last grown 
big of these high and mighty articles, and desire to be delivered of them 
toto the world, for the publick applause and consent; for by them we 
hope to give a free interpretation of modern justice, and a strict account 
of the reformation of all fees, tedious demurs, and practice of courts, that 
by it the commonwealth may be eased of the burden of unknown char- 
ges, which waits upon buckram-bags, and we richly rewarded for our 
sweat and travel in so acceptable and laudable a work. 

Proposal 1. That, whereas all the good laws, statutes, and acts of 
grace in this kingdom have been derived clearly from noble and heroick 
princes, and their free grant, and (until they shall be repealed by a 
knack of parliament) are the sole tye and safety of human society, trade, 
and traffick, it is thought fit. that the charity and love of former Kings 
to their liege people be esteemed nothing to the mercy of the state we 
now live under, and the famous liberties, properties, ami bounty of their 
generous spirits, we partake; and that it shall be thought reason, and 
law both, that an ordinance of parliament may take the wall of Magna 
Charta, though it be in the middle of Lincolu's-Inn-Fields, and in all 
causes, and over all persons, to be supreme moderator. 

2. That the sword was the first inventor of Kings, and the present up- 
holder of states and parliaments; and therefore, notwithstanding any 
right or equity to the contrary, the sword is the best law-giver; and, 
as it hasattempted already to cut off the head of the commonwealth, so 
it does require all the rest of the members to an observance of ils com- 
mand, be it never so unjust, inhuman, cruel, sacrilegious, or profane. 

.3. That in all administrations of modern justice, we may be no more 
bound to conscience, than conscience is to us ; for, let a man look over 
all the anatomy of the lawgivers, it is impossible to conjecture, in what 
part of that body conscience lies. 

VOL. VI., T 


4. That the King's Bench bar be subservient to the high court of jus- 
tice, in regard the one has no power, but merely to distribute jus suum 
cuique, the candid censure of the law between raan^and man ; the other 
has a sovereignty above sovereigns. 

5. That the court of iniquity, alias the Chancery (where a man may 
be suspended and demurred in his just right, from generation to genera- 
tion, by the power of the purse) may be judged no more by the keepers 
of the liberties and privileges of England, but rather to be taken in its 
true and genuine sense by the preservers of the controversies and sins of 
the people ; and, whereas a man, after the expence of a thousand 
pounds to bring his suit to a hearing, was used to be blown off with a 
non-assumption of the engagement, they shall henceforth be allowed 
twenty shillings towards their costs and charges, and the half-dozen 
clerks daggled gowns scoured. 

6. That that bloody and deadly term murderaTerunt may be looked 
upon as a word in fashion ; and because it concerns many of great qua- 
lity, it is ordered, that it be always written in capital letters. 

7. That as many, as swornffcernnt themselves into the high stile of the 
knights of the post, are not a jot concerned in the act of degrading late 
honours conferred; but, this being an ancient order of knighthood, and 
very ready at all times, through the course of these ten years past, to be- 
stead the commonwealth upon occasion, be it therefore confirmed, by 
all the sinews of the law, that this fraternity be upheld to perpetuity of 

8. That no adjoumamentums of causes shall henceforth be allowed ; 
for, suppose a man, having but one poor cotagium in the world, have a 
suit depending pro cabngio, Anglicl, for a cabbage, in Michaelmas term, 
and, withal, a judgment and execution, the plaintiff must be constrain- 
ed, perhaps, to wait a twelvemonth for satisfaction,' and to be paid in 
his own coin. 

9- That it shall beheld fit in a circuit or assize, though it become not 
a judge itinerant, with his bunch of gravity on his chin, to take bribes, yet 
it may be convenient, that the price of a pair of gloves, called fifty pie- 
ces, be deposed in his clerk's pocket, to be presented to his lordship the 
next morning, when he goes to wash his hands, that, like Pilate, he 
might purify himself to the world in formality and circumstance, as in 
the case of Martin Sandy and Steyner. 

10. That all attornies of courts errant, passant, or regardant, may no 
more run up their clients with twelve-pence wet, and six pence dry, bo- 
des baitings, breakfasts, collations, and Banbury cheeses ; but that jus- 
may run clear, without proclivity, or irregular buggering of a 

.untryman's purse, it is ordered, cum warranto, that the Vttifoaeer 

shall require no more than his ten groats ; and, if so be the free hearted 

*to him under the short ribs, with an ordinary of boiled beef at 

'-lane end shall be thought a considerable easeatncntwn of 

expence, and no more to be extorted for expedition. 

11. That all dashes whatsoever, used in writing, shall be held for a 
capital crane; for, under the notion of a counter-stroke, the law and 

n cases were so martyred, that it puzzled the worshipful the judges 
'ing forgotten their grammar by long experience) to understand them ; 


and therefore it is desired, that all words be written at length, and not in 
figures, for the conveniency of the benchers. 

12. That it may be thought reason that the word Villenagium be ut- 
terly expunged out of the terms ot the law, since we are all freemen, 
and no more slaves, than they which row in the Turks gallies. 

1 3. That, by the motion of Mr. Peters, the term simony may be looked 
upon as convenient, if not lawful, since the first day he begun to sell the 
patronage of South- Wales. 

14. That the right heir at law is he alone that is in possession: and 
as, by the outing of the best tenure in England, we see it apparent, 
inter arrna silent leges, so, whosoever he be, that is born to an estate, 
unless he can derive his claim from the engagement, he is no longer to 
be suffered by the sheriff of the county to live in peace, till such time as 
he has run the gauntlope at Haberdashers-Hall, and then he shall be 
freely manumitted. . 

15. That an under-sheriff, a jailer, a catch-polf, and clerk of assize, 
being individttums in natura, or termini convertibilcs, shall no more be 
dashed in their reputation with the circumflex of a K, but rather to be 
considered as pubjick officers, which, in this catching age, ought to have 
a little touch of hocus pocusin all their performances. 

16. That the excise, notwithstanding there be no law extant, or con* 
science, to warrant so sore an imposition upon a free people, may be 
thought jvrt divino, because it enlarges the Lawking-bags of the saints. 

17. That no expedition be henceforth used in any court, practice, or 
procedure, but rather all delays and labyrinths to dwindle out a bum- 
kin's patrimony to the last thread. That the puny clerks may be pre- 
vented in the vein of their spending money, and the masters of offices 
may be inriched with double fees, to the capacity of buying bishops 
lands and fee-farm rents; besides, the law being just shaking hands with 
us, it is necessary we make the most of it, while it is here. 

18. That whereas a country sollicitor, vamped up to the singularity 
of a vinegar cloke, and a green bag, is wont to dun the offices with a pi- 
tiful importunity, more (specially when his novice is at hand to quick- 
en him with a piece of four; it is desired he may make the benefit of a 
fallacia signi, when ihe term is ended, to keep his under- vamper in town 
to bear his charges, until the poor fellow is compelled to pawn his cloke 
in Long-lane, to carry him home, and then take his leave, with a phi- 
losophical bill of charges at his back, like an indenture in folio, to be- 
moan his law-ship to his admiring friends. 

19. That the term prerogative, being a sequestrable phrase, a malig- 
nant ard dangerous word, full of plots and treasons, a word prayed and 
preached against by many well-wishing and confiding divines, and god- 
ly souls of this nation, may be laid aside, and charmed into the happy 
conversion of the people's birth-right. And since the representatives of 
the plebeians have the managing of all delinquent incumbranccs: Be 
it proposed to be enacted and made law, that all such tyrannical ex- 
pressions, denominations, or inventions be pocketed up, to raise the wa- 
ges, salaries, stipendiaries, or allowances of the aforesaid representatives 
from this time forth for evermore. 

T 2 


20 That whereas meum and tuum have been the old pronouns of dis- 
tineuishina titles and claims in this blind and ignorant patch of the 
world, inregard they are Latin, and so of grievous consequence to a 
people new lighted, in respect of their alliance, relation, affinity, and 
consanguinity to the pope, being their countryman : Be it confirmed 
by a perpetual decree, that those words are no better than Jesuits, and 
have nothing to do with us in the decision of rights of the new model. 

21. That the thing called a King, a title of usurpation, to whom, 
by compulsion and imminent necessity, men of greatest rank, nobility, 
and professions, took most formally the oaths of allegiance and supre- 
macy; because we, that are wiser than our forefathers, know there is 
an inconvenience in having any one above us, to call us to an account, 
or controul the liberty of our concupiscence : It is beseeched, that all 
Britain, of what tongue, language, or speech soever, would be pleased 
to forget that obligation, and to acknowledge no supremacy- but in 

22. That, in all contracts, covenants, or agreements, it shall be 
considerable for every man to have a mental reservation, or intricate 
meaning, that upon advantages we may turn weather-cocks, and adore 
those mighty and modern deities, profit and self-ends. 

23. That all records, or registers of antiquity, may be burnt and 
imbezzk'd, for fear, lest, in reading and turning over those slighted and 
moth-eaten papers, we may unwillingly be put in mind -of a neglected 
and forgotten duty and obedience to magistracy, ministry, nay, I had 
almost said, sovereignty. 

24. That every country-fellow may have the privilege of pleading 
his own cause, merely to humour the high shoes, notwithstanding we, 
in our known wisdom and integrity, shall give sentence according to 
our underfeeling and proper discretion. 

25. That all committee-men shall be held forth saints at their death, 
and be inthroned in the church-windows, at the charge of the parish ; 
because they have been most eminent instruments in the ingrossing and 
monopolising of all church -lands, glebe, and tythes. 

26. That there may be a provincial pair-royal of judges selected for 
the determining of suits in the same country where they first take breath : 
Always provided, that if the parties be rich, fat, and well-liking, and of 
good credit in the sheriffs books, and withal able to endure the heat of a 
London trial : That, in such cases, there must and ought to be a fur- 
ther appeal to our palace at Westminster, wheresuch differencesare most 
peculiarly required to be decided with a wet finger. 

27. That as the oath ex officio, or an injunction for a man to discover 
If against himself, has always been held a most injurious circum- 
venting and unjust invention amongst grandees (except in matters of se- 
questration) it shall be lawful henceforward for no man to unrip un- 

iss, or divulge the least syllable of his own privity or hidden know- 
>t deeding, deceiving, or cousening the commonalty, against 
his own conscience. 

28. That the damnable expensive fees of all offices and officers shall 
ought to an abatamentum, and be left to the pleasure of every man's 

o gratulate and requite his trustee; and so, the lawyers bcin<r 


brought into subjection to the mercy of the bores and swads, they may ^ 
not flaunt so stately in their pontificalibus, being but publick servants, 
and a hickle of animals, which breathe by the iniquities of the la*nd. 

29. That, whereas incontinence has been evermore herd by the an- 
cients a most decried and punishable vice, and trick of youth in most 
countries, it is conceived fit to be esteemed venial, and more pardonable 
in this cold climate; and to permit all men, of experienced activity, 
the freedom of a wife and an intimate, for the fructifying of the sister- 
hood, and the enlargement of the number of the Geneva fry. 

30. That the old proverb, ' Change is no robbery,' be put in practice 
in these moderate times. And whereas the grievous and mighty tax, 
called ship-money, imposed by the royalists, hath been esteemed ty- 
ranny, injustice, and covetousness : The easy and frivolous sess of 
sixty-thousand pounds a month, loaded by the reformed sighers and 
groaners, shall be construed by all sorts of pay-masters a trifle, a piece 
of nothingness, necessary to the supportation of the armies, and other 
small disbursements, which do not amount to half the sum. 

31. That whereas the taking up of arms informer ages against a 
prince, by his own subjects, was by the law found treason; in respect 
that now we know he isJsut a man, obnoxious to death and mortality 
at pleasure; it shall no longer be judged treason, but convenience; 
and that such ought to be rewarded for it, under the notion of good 
service and gallantry. 

32. That whereas in case of manslaughter, and other casual 
offences, men were allowed the benefit of their clergy; it is granted ne- 
cessary in this metamorphosis of things, that no man be put to his book 
again, for there is hardly one in a hundred can read his neck-verse, 
and so many of the good intenders to the weal-publick may incur the 
hazard of the hempen twist. 

33. That all subsizing, querpd, gizzard clerks, which farm a par- 
cel of scribbling at three pence a day, shall not be suffered hence-for- 
ward to lay out their fathers allowance, and their own lamentable 
revenue, upon a suit of cloaths, and a horse collar of ribbands. For, 
as it is even in the greatest order of the bustling gallants a most un- 
seemly, ranting, loose, profuse, ugly garb, to be dressed about the hips 
like a morris-dancer, and to have more variety of strange colours than 
good conditions, it is judged commendable both in state policy and 
common civility to enact, that all such which are found whiffling in 
such antick dresses, be accounted no better than w masters, tooth- 
drawers, and mountebanks, from this time forth for evermore. 

34. That all lawyers wives, which have come sneaking into the 
Inns of Court, with their bag and baggage, whether it be to be pro- 
ficients in their husbands' absence in the practice of fee-tail, or whether 
it be to convert those gallant edifices from a nursery of law, to a sham- 
bles of laundry-women, I know not; but it is requested to be voted, 
that all such presumptuous whipsters, with their litter and lumber, 
reduce themselves either into Ram-alley, Purple-lane, or Castle- Yard, 
more fit stages for such comical subjects, than seminaries of learning, 
and there to set up for themselves, where only such kind of cattle are 
to be expected. 



35. That the corruption of courts has been a most horrid and cry- 
ing crime in this nation, in that the poor have been overborne by the 
rich in a most high way, and all by intercession of the Lady Pecunia, a 
gentlewoman- much idolised of late; it is therefore ordained, that no 
more money be produced to tempt the frailty of a clerk's conscience, 
but that every thing be carried in a round way between man and man, 
and, by that time the excise, sequestration, monthly taxes, &c. have 
continued their reign over us one year more, be it accounted treason for 
any man whatsoever to be able to offer an attorney, sollicitor, or coun- 
cil, more than his just fee, except it be a rasher of bacon, to relish his 
morning's draught. 

36. That there may be a distinction made between clerks of the 
children's threes, and stagers of the long twelves, men of the tribe of 
Anack in their profession, and tipplers of the stock of Benjamin, whose 
goose-quill fancies were never elevated beyond the Parnassus of a green 
nogging in their masters absence : It is therefore proposed, that such 
nifflmg fellows be distinguished by the childish wear of yellow ribbands, 
from the marshal seniors with their fiery faces. 

37. Item, That all indentures, bills, leases, conveyances, and 
bonds obligatory, shall no more be dated from the year of our Lord 
God, nor the coronation of the King, but stilo now, from the first day 
of the eleventh month, in such a model of the state government, under 
the conduct of such a party. 

38. Item, That all impropriations, collpge-holds, lapses, or patron- 
age of church means, be all referred to a jury of saints to dispose of;' 
Because it is the patrimony of the elect in this world, and to sustain 
the indigency of the spirit of talking. 

39. That all right might be judged by the touch-stone of affection, 
and if so be the plaintiff, or defendant, cannot bring proof, that he is one- 
oil such a collected church of the marching ministry, it is fitting he 

hould be reprobated in estate, as well as point of salvation. 

40. That no married persons may justify themselves by the old com- 
Lon prayer book but he, that means to be dabbling with his mistress 

M..W, must permit himself to be posted three several Sundays upon the 
door; and, when every country hogo has spent his greasy jear 

oiT wh I. h J T l C , r Xamine<l by tW J UStices of Peace upon 
, wu-therhe has h and her friends consent, and then, if it please 


41 That the multiplicity of heriots be reduced to nothin* and the 

^' r rather the 

imne feature b t 


that divinity may be made mercenary, and the fundamentals of the 
church and commonwealth laid waste and abolished; that one man 
may be as good a gentleman as another, and for all this, We beseech 
you to hear us, great Lords. 

Sic tetigi portum quo miki cursus erat. 




Being an Answer to Four Queries: 

Whether there be any need of universities ? 
Who is to be accounted an herctick ? 
Whether it be lawful to use conventicles ? 
Whether a lay-man may preach ? 

Which were lately proposed by a zealot, in the parish church at Swa- 
cy near Cambridge, after the second sermon, October 3, l(>52. 
Since that enlarged by the answerer, R. B. 13. D. and fellow of Tri- 
nity College, Cambridge. 


!"Q*1D rO^ niPQ Q auget academias, auget sapientiam et 


ROM. xvi. 17- 
Mark them which cause divisions, and avoid them. 

ROM. x. 15. 

How shall they preach, except they be sent ? 
(From a Quarto, containing thirty-eight pages, printed at London, in l653-] 

THE author of this pamphlet, Robert Boreman, brother to Sir Wil- 
liam- Boreman, or Boureman, clerk of the green cloth to King Charles 
the Second, was fellow of Trinity College in Cambridge, afterwards Doc- 



tor of divinity, and rector of St. Giles's in the Fields, near London, and 
very probabyof the family of the Boremans in the Isle of 'Wight. He 
published several other small pieces, and a sermon on Phil. iii. 20. and 
died at Greenwich in Kent, about the latter end of the year 1675. 

It appears by this piece, that he was a man of both learning and 
piety; for, I doubt not, but the reader will presently see, that he had 
not only read much, but was blessed with a happy, methodical, and im- 
partial talent, whereby he confutes, without depreciating his adversary ; 
and, throughout the whole, there runs a sensible vein of compassion, 
and sincere and hearty prayer for the conversion of those that are mis- 
led, and for the subsiding of all disputes in matters of faith. 

The subjects, here treated of, are not only well handled, but are such 
as, at that time, were most necessary to be explained, when ignorance 
was, under the power of the sword, triumphing over learning; when sec- 
taries increased daily, and every opinionated cobler, or taylor, usurped 
the ministerial office, and gloried in his endless capacity of dividing the 
church of Christ; when private assemblies in rooms or garrets, after the 
manner of our modern schismaticks, the disciples of Westly and White- 
field, &c. who, had they the same power, are of no less turbulent and 
aspiring spirits, were preferred to the worship of God's house, the publick 
prayers and preaching in the church, and lay teachers and preachers 
were substituted in their private meetings, in opposition to their stated 
and lawful ministers. But our author's reasons will best appear from 
hisowu preface,_as follows: 

To all tincere and true-hearted Christians, lovers of learning, truth, and 


The Jews have a saying, not more short than ingenious, that truth 

P<>n two legs and a lye upon one*: Their meaning is, that as 

alshood and heresy fall at the length of themselves, without any contra- 

on so truth ,, and ever was firm, stable, and lasting, getting 

s&fs&^rfS 1 *?!' b ? ppositi n * B * thi -A "W 

>ns, which lay h.d, and, as ,t were, buried in the grave of silence 
are nused, d.scussed, and evidenced even to vulgar capacities 

may be u dfc , red . & ST^^^ft^^g 

Sow lto/6. cap. *?$!* per "'"'P'** oi ut illiu. dogmata nw pl s Cerent. 


(not to be seen in print, which is a poor piece of ambitious pride) is the 
scope of my pet), and the aim of my unworthy endeavours : Especially 
now, that* little birds, scarce fledged, or hatched, flying with their shells 
upon their heads, and having only a feather or two of boldness in their 
faces, shall dare, and that in the bosom of their nurse, or mother, 
preach, or rather prate against learning, which they never had, and in- 
veigh against universities, qud tales, simply as universities, of which they 
never deserved to be members. 

It is an ill bird, &c. Every Englishman knows what follows in th 
proverb. There are no such enemies to learning, as the malicious and 

It was my happiness, of late, to meet with some adversaries, not, per- 
haps, so knowing, yet more candid than the former, declaimers against 
academies, and men of more Christian spirits, not (as St. Augustine f 
writes of the Donatists) pertinacid insuperabiles, invincible and pertina- 
cious in their opinions ; but such, whose minds were tuned to that obe- 
dience and meekness, that they, after a mild and long debate, yielded, 
with thankful acknowledgments, and protestations of love, to my rea- 
sons. And hereby declared plainly, before the congregation, that they 
were free from that whereof they were falsely suspected, i.e. heresy; 
agreeable to that of the learned and most profound Augustine J; 
' Qui sententiam suam quamvis falsam atque perversam nulla pertinaci 
animositate defendunt, sedveritatem cauti solicitudine quaerunt, corrigi 
parati cum invenerint, nequa quam sunt inter hsereticos deputandi.' 
The meaning of which words, in brief, is this, that ' he only is to be count- 
ed an heretick, who persists, with obstinacy, in an opinion, which is 
against the word ; not he, who errs, yet is ready to forsake his error, and 
yield to the truth, so soon as he is convinced of it/ 

This pious and humble temper was in those my antagonists ; for 
whose farther confirmation, and satisfaction to their modest desires, to- 
gether with the rest of that populous parish of Svvacy, I have published 
the discourse, with some enlargements, hoping that it will meet with as 
good success (by God's blessing on it) in the conviction of those by whom 
it shall be perused, whose judgments, perhaps, have been formerly per- 
verted by false teachers, who beguile unstable souls, having hearts exer- 
cised (or overcome) with covetousness; cursed children (they are chil- 
dren for their ignorance) who, forsaking the 'way of all righteousness, 
have gone astray ; following the way of Balaam, that made Israel to sin . 
Such blind guides as these have been the cause of many poor souls fall- 
ing, into the ditch of heresy, which (if backed with obstinacy) is a bar 
that shuts men out of all hope of glory. This, hereafter, shall be pro- 
ved, in my answer to the second doubt. 

May the Infinite Goodness, (to whose only glory 1 humbly desire to de- 
Tote myself, and all my weak endeavours) make them as useful and be- 
neficial in the confirming and reforming of weak deceived souls, as they 

Hujus furfuris (ne dicam farinae) est Burtouus iste, hestern Uiei homulus, cui doctrinana. 
et pietatem audaciac inauditae parem optamus. t Ep. \6j. t Ep. 162- $ * Pet- 

ji. U, 15. Jade ver. U. Numb. MV. 3. xxxi. 16. 


are well meant and intended to the church's good, by the unworthiest of 
his servants : Who am, likewise, Christian reader, 

Thine in Christ Jesus, 


4 short vindication of the use and necessity of vnitcrttties, and other 
schools of learning; being an answer to thejirst query, 

What need is there of universities ? 

IT is truly observed by a learned * writer, that the Pope of Rome, and 
that church, never flew higher in power, never sunk deeper into 
error, than when ignorance prevailed, and learning was suppressed 
We may as safely, and with as much truth, assert, that where the purity 
of God's word b corrupted, and not preserved in its integrity, that king- 
dom, church, or state, cannot but fall into ruin, and moulder away 
into divisions, caused by the multiplicity of false opinions, which, 
'being joined with schism, do often (as they have now done) en- 
gender and beget a monster, the subverter of all government, and 
the disturber of peace, the nurse of religion. This and learning 
we may fitly resemble to the great luminaries of heaven, the sun 
and moon, both for their light and influence. And, as for the preserving 
the intire lustre of the moi)n, there is required a continual emanation of 
light from the sun; so learning borrows its true light from religion; 
without which a man having a learned head, and an unsanctified heart, 
is the fittest agent and best instrument for the devil to do mischief with; 
but now, here is the difference between that lesser luminary and learn- 
ing, in that resemblance. The moon repays no tribute, confers no bene- 
fit to the sun; but learning, by way of reflexion, conduces much (if not 
to the being precisely taken, at least) to the happy and well being of re- " , 
ligion. These two, like Eros and Anteros in the fable of the poets, are 
sick and well both at a time. fJulian the apostate understood this well, 
when he put down by a publick edict the schools where the children of 
Christians were to be educated ; so did Pope J Paul the Second, when 
he absurdly pronounced those hereticks, that did either in jest or earnest 
but use the word academy in their tongues or writings. The Jesuits 
and their factors, men subtle in their generations, and active in their mis- 
chievous intentions, they know the same, and therefore endeavour uow 
to effect (what of late one vauntingly said in the ears of a good protes- 
tant would be. done) that is, to destroy the universities, and with them 
the ministry and religion. 

That the universities so called, as || one explains the term, because the 
circle of all the arts and sciences is in them expounded or taught to 
young students and others of all sorts, degrees, and callings whatsoever ; 
that these universities and other schools of learning (seed-plots and nur- 

Oentilet. Exam. Concil.Tridfnt. lib. l.sect. 7, 8. Ignorantiam ct Romans sedis autoritatem 
nul auctam, fee. Viciss.mque ut bonarum artium et literarum instauratione facessere cospit 
ijnorantia, ita et poniifuis auioritas paulalim imminuiet labescere visa est. 

+ C. KM. Oral. 3. t Platio. in uta eju. K Fab. Soraiius in thesauro. 


series subordinate to them) are not only profitable to the church, but 
also necessary for the maintenance of religion; so necessary, that, with- 
out them, neither the doctrine of the gospel can be preserved pure and 
uncorrupted, nor the church, wherein we live, stand sure upon its foun- 
dation, but will certainly be destroyed. This I shall endeavour to prove 
by a familiar climax or gradation, proposed to vulgar capacities by way 
of question. 

First, By what means can the church be pure and free from here- 
sies, without the guidance and light of the pure word of God, the holy 
scriptures ? 

Secondly, How can that word be preserved in its purity without the 

Thirdly, How can there be a ministry without able and fit ministers 
to explain and publish that word purely without corruption ? Whose 
office it is to act the parts of truth's champions, to defend it against se- 
ducing hereticks, who (as * Tertullian well notes, ' evermore alledge 
scripture to back and bolster out their absurd opinions, and by this their 
boldness they move some, tire out those that are strong by their restless 
disputes, take the weak in their nets, and as for those of a middle tem- 
per, these the)| send away full of doubts and scruples.' And whence 
do heresies arise, but from this (as St. f Augustine observes) dum Scrip- 
turee bonce intelligantur non bene, et quod in eis non bene intelligitur etiam 
temere et audacter asseritur? fyc. i. e. ' Whilst the good word of God is 
not well understood, and that which is not well understood is rashly 
and boldly asserted for truth, &c.' 

Now, in the fourth place, How can such stout champions, learned 
and faithful pastors, be had without schools of learning, the universi- 
ties ? 

It will follow then by a necessary illation or consequence, that with- 
out universities, out of which such learned, wise, orthodox, and pious 
men maybe called and produced how to govern particular congrega- 
tions, and to sit at the helm of the church, this cannot be preserved 
secure and intire from heresies, but will be, like thej ship wherein our 
Saviour was asleep, i. e. battered with tempests, and beaten with the 
waves of contrary opinions. 

For this cause we find in antient records, that not only among the 
people of God, the antient Jews and Christians, but also even among 
the Gentiles evermore in all ages, great care and diligence was used to 
ordain and maintain schools of learning, and to place in them holy and 
knowing men, whom they encouraged with large stipends, by whose 
pains and parts the liberal arts and sciences, together with the doctrine 
of thir religion, might be taught and fastened in the people's memories. 

To omit the schools of the Gentiles, as of the .Egyptians (|| to whom 
learning and arts were derived from the Jews) likewise those of the Chal- 
deans, Babylonians, Persians, Greeks, and Romans, all which (to the 
shame of Christians in these times, had learned and men of wisdom iu 

" Tertul. lib. de prescript. Scripturas obtendunt, et hac sua audacia quosdam movent, Ac- 
+ Aug. Tract. 18. in Evang. Job. * Luke TUK *, Alsted. lib. 24. c.lS. Encjel. 

Ssfcolast. Heurn. primord philosoph, 


hi*h estimation, especially professors and assertors of their religion; 
such were their Magi, their Gyranosophists, their Philosophers, their 
Augurs, or Soothsayers; omitting these, 1 shall make a plain discovery 
of The schools erected by the people of God, as well before as after 
Christ, and then leave it to the judgment of discreet and moderate 
judges, whether a want of love to religion, and the fear of God, does 
not discover itself in the profane practices of those men who labour to 
pull down the ministry, (which is now the Jesuits main design) by doing 
as the * Philistines did by the wells of Abraham, i.e. by seeking to stop 
the springs and fountains of learning, into which they have thrown dirt 
and stones, by undeserved slanders, and reproachful infamies. 

If we traverse the story cf the Old Testament, we shall find that there 
were (and this not without the prescript or command of God) in the 
kingdom of Israel, schools constituted and opened to publick use; in 
some whereof were placed Levites, in others Prophets, to teach and 
explicate the law of God, to train up disciples or scholars, who after- 
wards should teach either in the temples or synagogues, and propagate 
the doctrine of the law to succeeding generations. For, who were the 
sons of the prophets, of whom there is so often mention made in the 
Books of the Kings f; but those that were students, educated and 
brought up in those schools, whereof the prophets wete heads and 
governors? This was the intent or meaning of the prophet Amos, when 
he said, f ' I am not a prophet, nor the son of a prophet,' i. e. never 
brought up in the schools of the learned prophets. 

What was the reason that the Lord || commanded forty-eight cities 
with their suburbs to be assigned to the Levites, above their brethren 
of the other tribes? Was it not for this, that in the land of Israel there 
might be schools and colleges, in the which the Levites might teach and 
instruct young novices, their pupils, in the law of God, and_Jthereby 
fit them for the offices of the sanctuary? 

Over these schools or colleges there were ever placed men renowned 
for their piety, learning, prudence, and gravity of manners, and those 
chosep out of the prophets and Levites. Thus Samuel was the pre- 
fect or governor of the school which was at Naioth, in Mount Ramah; 
where were a school and scholars in the reign of Asa, if we may believe 
the Talmudists, who say, ** that he was therefore punished with 
lameness in his feet, ' because he compelled all the wise men or doctors 
t place, together with their disciples or scholars, to leave their 
and to take up arms for his aid against Baasha, Kin* of Israel.' 
Ibis they collect (how truly I will not determine) out of 1 Kins xv. 
22 where u is said, that Asa made a proclamation throughout all 
Judah (none was exempted) and they took away the stones of Ramah, 

F : M tl i. fc Sch Iars Were a11 warned out by the King's edict. 

t was thepropowftwor master of the school at Jericho- in his 


In 2 Cbron. xxxiv. 22, we read of a college in Jerusalem, wherein 
Oen . xx,i. i 8 . Kings . 35 . 2 Kings Ui 3 ? 15> 

, . 

of U, t $&?** there n ^ D > -hich is as much as . doub.e house, so 


Huldah the prophetess dwelt, when Hilkiah went unto her witha mes - 
sage from Josiah. Doubtless, she dwelt by herself in one of the courts 
remote from the prophets and their sons, who were taught in the other. 
For colleges, indeed, ought to be (what a name that is given them by 
Eusebius dors import) T * a-E.uvsTa, places of gravity and severity, which 
cannot well stand with a mixture of both sexes in one and the same 
place. But to return from this short digression: 

To this end and purpose it likewise was (I mean for the maintenance 
of schools) that the Levites, under the law, had such large incomes by 
God's appointment; they had well nigh (as hath been proved by me in 
another * treatise) the fifth part of the Jews revenues, which large allow- 
ance was given them, that, being free from all cares (to which the mi- 
nisters of the Gospel are too sharply exposed) they might, with the less 
distraction, and more freedom of spirit, devote themselves wholly to 
their studies, and their ministerial functions. 

Again, we find that the Jews themselves ever in after ages endea- 
voured (even when they were dispersed amongst the Gentiles) to retain 
their schools, which are called, sometimes, synagogues, although in a 
strict sense a school and a synagogue differ. Philo (as he is cited by 
Grotius on St. Matth.) uses-}- the names promiscuously, and calls those 
synagogues JiJaa-xaXEfa +, for that they did both pray and preach in 
them, and withal (as they do now where they are) train up their youth, 
and exercise themselves by disputes and polemical discourses, concern- 
ing the Holy Scriptures; whereby they find out many hidden truths. 
This is the practiceof colleges in the universities, by which means the 
students learn to whet their tongues in disputes against the truth's ad- 
versaries, those of Rome, together with other hcreticks. 

In the second place, That there were colleges, places of publick 
concourse even under the gospel, in the time of the apostles at Jerusa- 
lem, we may collect or gather out of the Acts. 'And there were dwel- 
ling at Jerusalem Jews, devout men, out of every nation under heaven'||. 
St. Luke records concerning our Lord Christ, that when he went 
into the synagogue, that is, the ** school, there was given to him, as 
to a doctor, the book of the Scriptures, that he should explain a por- 
tion or piece of them, which he accordingly did to the amazement and 
conviction of those that heard him. The same apostle likewise reports, 
that, when he was twelve years of age, he disputed -ft with the doctors 
of the school with great admiration. There were then scholars, col- 
leges, and doctors in our Saviour's time; how then dare any disallow 
of those which Christ himself did approve of, so, as to go often into 
them, which he did surely to demonstrate and shew their necessity and 
use. They who speak and act, by a bold opposition, the contrary, by 
denying their use, to such I may aptly retort, what St. Augustine did 
once in another case to the Donatists, the true pictures of our Separat- 
ists, ' Christianas "cos esse dicitis, et Christo contradtcitis,' i.e. 'You say 
you are Christians, and contradict Christ in your words and actions JJ*; 
this cannot stand with Christianity, which admits, of no such contra- 

* The Church's plea, &c. sect. IQ. p. S3. printed at London in 165, 4to. t Grot in Mat 

iv. 2.3. < t Places of instruction. || Actsii. 5. } Luke iv. 15. 17- 

? nrQ ttfTlQVT- ft Luke ii. 42, 46. ft Aug. Ep. 17. 


In Acts vi. 9, there is mention of the synagogue or college of the 
Libertines, Cyrenians, and Alexandrians, and of them of Cilicia and 
Asia, who disputed with the protomartyr St. Stephen. 

The same author * tells us how that St. Paul came from Tarsus of 
Cilicia unto Jerusalem, where he was instructed in the law of the Lord 
at the feet of Gamaliel. It was the fashion or custom then of the scho- 
lars, to sit at the feet of the doctors; whence those are called by the 
Rabbinsf Pulrerisantes, from the dust which they received thus sitting 
below their teachers. The forenamed Gamaliel was a doctor or teach- 
er of the law in the academy of Jerusalem, and disciple of that old Si- 
meon, who took our Saviour, being then a child, in his arms, and then 
sung his Nvnc dimittis, 8fC. his swan-like song, J Lord, now lettest thou, 
thy servant, depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation, i. e. 
The Lord Christ, who is mercy and salvation cloathed in flesh. 

That school or college of Jerusalem had many famous doctors, one af- 
ter another successively in after days, amongst whom, was Rabbi Hillel, 
who lived an hundred years before the destruction of the temple by Ti- 
tus; of which Hillel we find so many rare, and pious sayings in the Pirk 
Avoth, a book famous amongst the Jews, for choice proverbs, and grave 

We read likewise of St. Paul, that, after his conversion, he went often 
into the synagogues or schools of the Jews, and mightily convinced 
them, that Jesus was the Messias (or the Christ) and persuading the 
things concerning the kingdom of God||. 

There is mention in the acts of the school of one Tyrannus ; it was 
erected by one, who was so called by his proper name, as Beza proves by 
many testimonies against Erasmus, and others, and with him, in this, 
the Syriack agrees; which, as Salom Glassius notes**, is the fittest to 
determine any doubt or controversy bordering upon a word or phrase 
in the New Testament, as the Chaldee paraphrase in the Old. 

To omit that famous school in Asia at Ephesus, erected by St. John 
the Apostle, in which Polycarp and Irenaeus were scholars, with many 
other famous bishops and martyrs for the truth of Christ. 

Likewise that in Palestine of Caesarca, in which Gregory, bishop of 
Neocaesarea was brought up. 

Also that in Alexandria, the most famous in the whole world, whew, 
St. Jerom attests) from the days of St. Mark the evangelist, many und 
great doctors flourished, as Pataenus, Clemens Alexandrinus, Oriaen, 
Hieracles, Dionysius, with many others. 

To the forenamed we might add that of Byzantium tt in Greece, 
St. Basil, that tJ Demosthenes amongst the fathers (for his sublime 
ncy so called) was educated ; he was brother to that learned Na- 
zen who (being indeed a magazine of all kind of learning) i s worthi- 
ly called, .-Siix.^9., i. e. the divine. 

To this of Byzantium mi^ht be adjoined that of Tiberias in Galilee, 
by the lake of Genuesareth |||| so famous for the Masorites, those labo- 
rious textuanes and cabalists among the Jews. 

AcU ii. 3. f T V JNJ"|Q i T nk - ;; o on n A ^ 

AcUxvii. 8. (ilass. Phjsiol Sac +O r j Acts xvm. 28. 

Byzantium. tt Vid. Possevia. in vir a Ro;i h, J! . nc 


But omitting the farther discussing and opening of these schools or 
colleges (whereby I might farther evince by demonstrative arguments 
the necessity of learning and learned men ; as so many pillars, to sus- 
tain the vast fabrick of a church, kingdom, or state, from crumbling into 
dust, and mouldering into ruin) I shall only subjoin what now follows, 
by way of a concluding parenesis, or exhortation to men of vulgar con- 
ceits, and misled fancies. 

Let them run back in their thoughts, and look upon the story of our 
church in former ages. Who were they that gave the Pope, and his fac- 
tors, their deadly wounds, stabbing them at the heart with the sharp 
weapons of their acute arguments ? Who did this glorious work, but first 
a Jewel *, a bishop ? Who was the first', that, in a sermon at Paul's 
Cross, made a publick challenge to all the papists in the world, to pro- 
duce but one clear and evident testimony out of scripture, or any father, 
or other famous writer, within six-hundred years after Chiist, for any 
one of the many articles which the Romanists, at this day, maintain 
against us ; and upon good proof, of any one such good allegation, he 
promised to yield them the bucklers, and reconcile himself to Rome. 
And although Harding f, and some others, undertook him and entered 
into the lists with him, about the twenty-seven controverted articles, yet 
they came off poorly, and Jewel on the contrary, with triumphant vic- 
tory, having so amazed and confounded them with a cloud of witnesses 
in every point, that, as Bishop Godwin J reports of him, ' Dici non po- 
test quantum haec res pontificiorum apud nos vires fregerit, existimati- 
onem minuerit, ac praesertim postquam Hardingi frigida responsione er- 
rorum ab illis recensitorum novitas potuerit.' i. e. It cannot be said how 
this thing broke the hearts, and weakened the force of the Pontificians || 
with the loss of their esteem and credit in these parts, especially, when, 
after the frigid or cold answer of Harding, the novelty of their opinions 
was plainly discovered. 

This glorious champion of truth for his rare and admirable parts and 
gifts, both natural and supernatural, did every way correspond to his 
gracious and precious name; he was a rich Jewel consisting of many 
gems, shining sis well in his life, as his incomparable writings. Lord, 
adorn and inrich thy church continually with such Jewels, deck her 
cheeks with rows of such rubies, her neck with such glorious chains, 
&c. He was born in Devonshire, bred up at Oxford , and, if it lay at 
at my mercy, to save or destroy it**, I should spare it, because it bred 
such a pillar of truth, and the scourge of Rome, as the conqueror spa- 
red Syracusa, because he found in it an Archimedes. 

With him we may parallel our famousWhitgift, who was contemporary 
with him; for the former died anno 1571; this latter was installed 
bishop of, Worcester, anno 1577? and afterwards archbishop of Canter- 
bury, 1583. He was born in Lincolnshire, bred here at Cambridge, 
first in Pembroke Hall, afterwards fellow of Peter-house, and not long 
after',he being of rare and eminent parts,was made president ofPembroke 
Hall, next master of Trinity College, in which time he was first 

* Bishop Jewel. .Godwin in vita ejus, p. 40Q. t A Uomish priest- t Pace 410 

n Or Papists. First in Merton, alterwards in Corpus Christ! college. ** Alluding 

tt> the danger in which Oxford' was then, for refusing to submit to the Hump visitors. 


the Margaret, then the King's professor of divinity. This matchless 
pattern of prudence and patience did stand as stoutly, as the for- 
mer in the defence of the truth, against our home-bred innovators, 
who' (as our learned Camhden says in his annals) trampled on 
all government, and making fancy, the mistress of their judgment, 
pride and a zealous ignorance being their guides, they inveighed 
against the queen's *authority, and herein spake the language of Ash- 
dod; acted highly for the Jesuits, denied uniformity in divine worship, 
although established by the authority of Parliament, severed the admi- 
nistration of the sacraments from the preaching nf the word f. No-cos 
ritus pro arbitrio in privatis asdibus umrpabant, &c.J. They neglected 
and despised the sacrament-, ^forgetting that God will not save us with- 
out the use of means.) They refused to go to church, thus making a 
dangerous schism, and rending the seamless coat of Christ, Ponti/iciis 
plaudentibus, multusque in suas parte trahentibus, quasi nulla es*ct m cc- 
clesiA Anglicana unitas ; i.e. Hereby they made our adversaries to re- 
joice and triumph over us, and were the cause of- many weak ones turn- 
ing Papists, upon this ground, that there was no unity in our church. 
(I fear our separatists || have now caused the like, if not worse, mischief, 
in the revolt of many thousands from us.) Those chams, men of hot 
and fiery spirits, who inveighed against their fathers,' and uncovered 
their mother's nakedness; those scindentes (as Irena?us well calls them) 
to which he joins elati et super hi; those proud, high-minded, daring 
schismaticks, that reverend, learned, and most patient Whitgift quelled, 
and suppressed in a short time by his discreet meekness, and gentle ex- 
hortations to peace; first stopping, by arguments, the mouths of their 
Antesignani, their leaders (as Cartwright and others;) this he did by dis- 
putes and mild persuasions to peace, and at last having, by a patient 
courage, overcome-many strong oppositions from the nobles and their 
adherents, abettors in that schism, by God's blessing he restored the 
church to unity and concord both in doctrine and discipline. Who, but 
a man of great learning and grace, could have done, this, and been the 
instrumentof settling in a distracted kingdom an universal peace. 

Let me add to these one, though of a lower rank in the church, yet 
not much inferior in gifts of nature, and grace, the renowned Whitaker, 
first scholar, and after fellow of Trinity College, famous for his admi- 
rable skill in the arts and tongues; as for his excellency yi the know- 
lege of divinity, his famous works now extant, his confutation of Cam- 
pian, Sanders, Durrous, Raynolds, Stapleton, nay of Bellarmine him- 
self, with whom, then living, this our champion encountered. He con- 
founded the former, proving the Pope to be Antichrist, and maintaining 
the authority of the scriptures above the church; and at last singling out 
the ** Cardinal himself, the Goliah of Rome, he stunned him so, with the 
strength of prevailing truth and reason, in his controversies concerning 
the church, scriptures, and councils, &c. that the cardinal (it seems, 
first convinced by his argumentations) having him in high estimation, 
procured his picture, and hung it in his study among the portraitures 
of other noted men, and was heard to say, ' That, though he was an he- 

Elisabeth. + Sacramentorura administrmtionem 1 verbi divini praedicatione seiunarbant. 

CamWd. * They used n"w lish's in privatR houses, &c. The confused number of 

tectanes, which sprang up m the tune ot the civil wars. } Aug. 1. de civil Dei 16 r -2 cotr- 
pant Chamo haereticoj, 1. 4.C. 43. Bellarmiue. 


Tetick, yet he was a learned one.' Never any saying had more of falsity 
and truth in it. When he confessed him to be learned, it was all one, 
as if he had acknowledged that he was by him confuted. What firmer 
testimony than that, which falls from the lips of a professed enemy ? 

To these forenamed worthies, I might add the late right reverend 
Davenant, Bishop of Salisbury ; the now living and most knowing pre- 
lates Armagh* and Morton, true nursing fathers of the church, fed 
with tbeir doctrine, and defended by their pens, which they have with 
great success dipped in the ink of confutation, against Jesuits and here- 
ticks. The Lord hath done great things by . these Benaiahsf, and 
wrought great victories by means of their painful works against our 

Could these famous, useful, and church-preserving acts, with many 
hundred more which have been effected by men of parts, could these 
mighty things have been done without learning? could this have been 
attained without the help and furtherance of publick schools and uni- 
versities? I suppose no man is so wanting to truth and modesty as to say 
it. This made Alphonsus, King of Arragon, bear an open book in his 
escutcheon,! to testify thereby to the world his high esteem of learning, 
as being the prop of religion, and the pillar of a state and kingdom. 
And therefore -Charles the Great, wheresoever he erected a church, 
there he ever annexed a school of learning to it. Oh then let not the 
undermining and crafty Jesuits (who now swarm amongst us) blow any 
longer this poison into your ears; believe not the voice of these || hyae- 
na's, who may speak like men, nay, like angels, but within are raven- 
ing wolves and savage beasts. Their common trade and work now is to 
.cry down learning, and the fountains of it, the universities. They 
know that their cause cannot thrive so long as learning does flourish. 
These Solifugae bate that confounding light. These frogs love to 
croak in the black night of ignorance, they ever dig their mines in dark- 
ness. The traitor Vaux, ** and his dark lanthorn, was the truf emblem 
of a Jesuit, who has some light within which makes him sin against his 
conscience ; yet that light wrapped up and obscured by malice, which 
forces him to act in defence of the catholick cause, and contrive any 
bloody wickedness. 

And now is his harvest, who loves to fish in troubled waters; he hath 
put forth the sickle of his undermining policy to cut down the clergy 
and the universities, witness the late petitions against tithes, and that 
other from some mistaken ones in the county -of Bedford, who little 
dream that they are now plowing with the Jesuits ft heifer, who have 
closely contrived those petitions, and incensed the countrymen against 
churchmen and scholars. For shame, work not any longer in this 
bloody field; be not days-men to these men of darkness]; what they have 
covertly contrived, do not thou attempt openly and in publick. Be- 
lieve it, if the pipes be cut from the two fountains, if the revenues and 
means which flow from the springs of benefactors for learning's main- 

Archbishop Usher. t 2 Sam. xxviii. 12. 20. J Middledorp. 1. de Academ. i. p. 

104. || De his vid. Franzii.histor. S. p.l. c. 20. } De his vid.Soliuum. *Guy 

Faux, who was found with a dark lanthorn ready in the cellar under the parliament-house, to 
let fire to the gun-powder, intended to blow up the King, Lords, and Commons, &c- 

rt Judg. xiv, 18. 

VOL, vj. u 


tenancc, if they be taken away (which God I hope will prevent by his 
merciful and over-ruling providence) then (I trust this then will never 
be) then we shall see (I hope we shall never see it) these * wild boars 
coming out of Horaces wood and wilderness; these foxes t, deceitful 
workers, ministers of Satan J, wolves in sheeps cloathing ||; they 
will, when they meet with no opposition, when the walls and watch- 
men are gone, break with violence into the vineyard, destroy its plea* 
sant branches, devour its grapes, and (like those wolves in the fable, 
when the dogs at their persuasion were sent away) they will prey upon 
the poor sheep, tear their fleece from their backs, devour their flesh. 
In a word, when they want their guard and watch, i. e. orthodox pas- 
tors and sound doctors or teachers, the one to instruct the churches, the 
other to train up students in the schools : Then will the people be left 
as a prey to hereticks, whose doctrine will eat like a gangrene,r i. e. 
speedily, incurably, mortally. They will infect their souls with poi- 
sonous opinions, and (as they have begun) with damnable heresies** (to 
speak in St. Peter's language) which St. Paul reckons amongst the fruits 
of the fle^htf,and exclude men from the heavenly inheritance. Of this 
opinion was Ignatius, a scholar of the apostles, who assures us, that 
both seducing and seduced hereticks shall perish for ever, and that with 
as good reason as thiev v es among men are put to death. Hereticks rob 
men's souls of God and the truth, they shut men out of heaven, and 
drive them into hell. To prevent all these fatal mischiefs, drain not 
(but rather increase with augmentations) the fountains of learning and 
religion; if these be once dried up, a drowth of truth will follow, and 
a deluge of miseries, when barbarism and atheism, with other horrid 
impieties, shall abound in this land, and overthrow the church ; |||| 
whose welfare is contained (together with the common-wealth's) in the 
preservation of learning, arts, and sciences, which I could prove more 
at large, did I not fear to load the press, and tire the reader's patience. 
I shall conclude this first query with an open confession, that, in 
tumultuous, disordered times, some dirt has gotten into our 
>untains, and mingled itself with our pure streams; but what was 
r in all ages, we hope, will not with aggravations be charged upon 
i the only fault of ours. And I trust that those Bedfordians (who 
our against the universities) will be laid asleep, and silenced by 
er powers; neither doubt we, but that those, who have made such 
ries and protestations for truth, will not now at length (after 
27, n >? SO T Ch L blo d ^ t^ defence of the gospel, as was pretended) 
'themselves the stab of a lye, by doing that which will overthrow 
h in the dust, and setting up falshood with a painted face, 
ourcd with shews of piety, and pretences of godliness. Quod aver- 
vtStoA r my part ' l sha11 ever b eg of God (and it is a piece 

1 of tl f "? that he would P en the W d mollify the 
the seduced, and obdurate seducers in this age, that, being 

led w rh !f SaVmg knowled g e 9f the truth, they may have good will, 
Uh their great power to preserve the kenotsepher, the universi- 

* Pl. viij. 14 i r . 

2 Tim. ii. ,7'. t. C * Bt et " * 2 Cor. x. 13. 15. g Mat. vii. i5. 

O. ofofft, gtri * Gal ' V ' *' ** Ignat ' E P- ad 

^ ** Ignat 

& 8. Univen ' ** "" ? idl Mi <Wendor P , de academiis, 


lies, and other schools, that from thence may come knowing men of 
* sound opinions, and incorrupt lives, whereby they may outshine 
hereticks, and be able to refute and stop the mouths of heresies. Men 
well learned, of good lives, and lawtully ordained ministers, have a 
special call to so great a work, they have a blessing promised f on 
their labours; and may such be ever blessed who are lovers of peace, 
*nd truth's defenders. 

Who is an heretick, and what is an heresy f 

Amongst many convincing arguments to prove tfce greatness of the 
evil and danger of hereticks, some have been drawn from the great pains, 
and cost, which the primitive church employed, and spent to extinguish 
the flame or fire of heresies, wheresoever and whensoever it was unhap- 
pily kindled. This is attested by the learned Chamierus in an epistle 
to Armandust. Thus from the great care and sollicitude of the phy- 
sician, from the price and cost of the physick, or remedies, we may 
judge of the grievousness and danger of the disease. 

Again, another argument, to prove the greatness of this evil, may 
be reduced from the raging anger, and impatient wrath, which ever 
appeared, and broke forth in these ancient Christians, who were pat- 
terns of humility, and rare examples of meekness; yet, being falsly 
accused of heresies, and branded with the name of heretick, could not 
with any patience hear and endure it. We read in the || Jives of the 
fathers, of one Agatho, whose name speaks him, as he was, a good 
man, and most devout, that, having held his peace, in imitation of his 
meek Saviour, at the proposal of many crimes falsly objected and 
maliciously laid to his charge, yet at the name of heresy, (being called 
heretick) he was very much moved, and most wrathfully displeased. 

This made Ruffinus (as he is cited by Bishop Jewel) say, Non est 
Christianus, qui notam Htzreseos dissimulat, i. e. He is no Christian, 
that can endure to be called heretick. To this purpose is that of St. 
Jerom,** Nolo in suspicions Hcereseos quemquam esse patientem. It be- 
comes every one with the greatest care and industry to avoid the very 
suspicion of heresy. 

Thus a mere imagination, and false apprehension of being reputed 
and named hereticks, exasperated of late the spirits of some well-mean- 
ing Christians, and moved them to break through all bounds of modesty, 
by a publick demand of me, before the congregation ft, (in Swacy near 
Cambridge) to deliver my thoughts concerning heresy and hereticks. 
To whom (after a short preface to our ensuing conference) I thus replied 
with great affection to their souls, and (in obedience, to the apostle's 
command J|) with as much meekness as I could, lest that, in the flame 

Tv~r $oyfi*n 5 TO. Xty/uala. (iita, Chrys. 4 Mat. xxviii. 20. I am 

with you. J Scimus quantis olim sudoribus episcop iCatholici hffireticos redargueriuti et 

quaiitis sumptibus orthodoxi imperatores eos represserint. Epist. 3. ad Aimauc!. Jesuit. 
II Parts, de patient, et humilit. { Part i. c. 6. Df-fens. Anglic. Eccl. * Ep. 6 ai 

Fammach. ++ Octob. 3d. 1652. tt Gal. vi, 1. Ye which are spiritual, restore, <kc. 

U 2- 


L n heresv or an opinion that is erroneous. 

For noi every one, whose opinion is heretical, is to be reckoned and 
listVd in the b^ack roll of hereticks, but only he, who having been 
baptized in the Christian faith, shall stiffly .maintain, and obstinately 
Snd an untruth against it. By the Chrattan faith we are not to 
und'-rstand in geJeS the word of God m its whole latitude , w*. 
theproph-ticaland apostolical doctrine contained m the books of the 
Old and New Testament; for not every false interpretation of any one 
place of Scripture, nor every opinion, resulting from that place s 
interpreted, falls under the name and notion of hensy (as St. Jerom 
seems to assert it in his commentary upon the Galatians) but, by the 
Christian frith, we mean those four principles of our faith, which are 
the four kinds of fundamentals, the denial and opposing any one 
whereof with pertinacy intitles a man to the guilt ot heresy, and the 
name of heretick. 

The first of those fundamentals is placed in the Apostles Creed. 
The second, in the Decalogue or Ten Commandments. 
The third in the Lord's Prayer 
The fourth is the two Sacraments and the Lord's Supper. 

Thus the reverend and learned Bishop Davenant determines the case, 
jn thai most judicious and schism-confounding work of his, intituled, 
AdPaccmAdhortatio*. 'So then, he that shall porversly deny any 
article of the creed, which is Christianorumjidei et spei formula ventatu 
summa ac fundame ntum (to use the terms of the Tridentine Catechism) 
the form of a Christian's faith and hope; the epitome and foundation of 
truth-,' he that shall likewise wilfully err, in principiis nwralibus, i. e. 
in the principles of manners, or good living; he that shall believe or 
maintain the contiary to any precept or moral command, as, that sim- 
ple fornication is no sin, which is the opinion of the f Jews and Pa- 
pists; that it is lawful to worship an image, the works of men's hands, 
or the like; hp that shall overthrow the doctrine of the sacraments, 
either denying the exercise or use of the sacrament of baptism, or not 
baptizing, according to the tenor of Christ's + injunction, In the name 
of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, or pot celebrating the eucharist 
according to our Saviour's institution, by denying the cup to the peo- 
ple, or the like : Lastly, He or they that err in the fundamental doc- 
trim- concerning prayer, making their addresses to any one, but God 
alone, through the mediation of Christ his son, by faith in whom, and 
being knit to them in love, we are bold to call God our Father, &c. 
He that shall obstinately persist both in opinion and practice against 
any precept or doctrine in these four kinds of fundamentals, he cannot 
be exempted from the number of hereticks, whose names are not fegis- 

An exhortation to peace. + Vid. JCinjcUi in Psl. t Mat. xxviii. v. ult. 


tered in the book of life, into which none shall enter that \fork abomi- 
nation, or make a lie, Rev. xxi. 27. Such workers of mischief are 
those o7T*si'fl ifyaraj, as * Cyril rightly tells them, men that are leaders 
and abettors of an heresy. Such men, whom we may call Dcsmonice 
Meridiana (as St. f Jerom once called Arius) men blown up with pride, 
and infected with-a diabolical, daring spirit, you must decline, as you 
would those that have the leprosy or plague. Heresy is a catching 
disease, and hard to be cured; it enters into the soul by the eye and 
ear (when you either rea'J the books, or hear the sermons of hereticks) 
and, entering thus in, it brings death and destruction, as its attendants, 
with it. St. Paul was not ignorant of this, as appears by his wholsome 
and seasonable exhortation for these times. Rom. xvi. 17. ' 1 beseech 
you, brethren,' (observe the apostle's earnest supplication, grounded 
upon the danger of heretical infection)' mark them which cause divisions 
and offences, contrary to the doctrine which ye have learned, and 
avoid them. Verse 18. For they, that are such, serve not the Lord 
Jesus Christ, but their own bellies.' They are commonly covetous and 
luxurious persons, given over to their appetites. They are dissembling 
hypocrites, for, as it follows there, with fair speeches and flatteries 
they deceive the hearts of their simple followers and auditors. If there 
come any such unto you, and bring nut the doctrine of Christ (but that 
which is contrary to it) receive him not into your house, neither bid 
him God speed, 2 John. 10. i.e. have nothing to do with him, neither 
shew him any sign of familiarity or respect, lest, under the guise or 
fleece of a lamb-like teacher,you meet (in the conclusion,) with devour- 
ing wolves, proud Anabaptists, or soul-murdering Jesuits; who now, 
like their great master, the prince ot darkness go about, seeking whom 
they may destroy with their anti-scripture, antichristian, infectious te- 
nets, or heresies. None, more than these grand impostors, are pleaders 
for conventicles, that so they may with more security open the fardal 
of their mass (that maze J of idolatry) among themselves, and draw poor 
deceived souls from the love of the church, and their ministers. 
ZxOTrefTe, mark with diligence, those that preach this doctrine, and con- 
clude with yourselves, that they are either immediately sent from Rome, 
that antichristian synagogue, or seduced by the Romish agents, whose 
only aim in these times is, to blow the coal of division (using the Sepa- 
ratists || as his bellows for this very purpose) and to draw men's minds 
from the love of the truth and learning, knowing full well, that the 
iabrick of their superstition and idolatrous worship relies only upon the 
rotten pillar of ignorance, the only prop too of the pope's greatness. 

For (as that examinator of the council, or rather conventicle, of 
Trent, says well) ut bo n arum liter arum instauratione facessere caspit igno- 
rantia, $c. i. e. So soon as the cloud of ignorance was dispelled by the 
bright beams of learning, the authority of the pope began presently to 
fail and suffer a great diminution. Therefore I exhort you again, 
-xorEiV, to mark those who are sowers of division, who endeavour to 
disjoin your hearts from the love of those, whom God hath placed over 

Cyril. 1. i. in Job. cap. 4. + Hieron. Apol. adversus Ruffin. lib. 2. $ So called 

in the confutation of the Papists catechism, pag. 29. U Doctor Cruckanthorpe, in his de- 

fence of our church, does call them fitly, flabella Jesuitarum: } GeutiUet 


you to be your guardians and watchmen*, such among the reverend 
fathers of the church are now (God be blessed for it) yet living, to the 
terror and grief of our adversaries; such likewise yet breathe (though 
with much discouragements) amongst the inferior ministers, who are 
more famous for the pulpit and schools, than for the press, and are able 
to wield the sword of argumentation, to the confutation and confound- 
ing of Rome's factors ; who deal by. us, as the heretieks of the former 
age by those propugnatoresjidei, defenders of the faith, Basil, Nazian- 
zen, Ambrose, Augustine, Jerom, &c. whom (as f Lindanus notes) 
the others impudently called, heretieks, Jtceretici heeretieos* appellabant, 
so they undeservedly and most uncharitably term us. To whom I 
shall only reply in the words of St. Augustine J to the Pelagians: 
Irnpetremus, si possumus, & fratribus nosing, ne nos insuper appelknt 
heretifos, quod cos talia dispuiantes nos appellate possumus fortasse, si vel- 
lemus, SfC. i. e. We wish that we might obtain this favour of OUT bre- 
thren, that they would not call us heretieks, which we might (if we 
were so pleased to break the rule of charity, which loveth peace |j) 
rightly call them, &c. as might be evidenced and proved by the former 
definition of heresy, and description of an heretick. To all which I 
shall subjoin this, to strengthen my assertion, that, as an error in fun* 
damcnto, in any one of the forenamed fundamentals, so, one that is 
circa fundamentum, about, or bordering upon the foundation joined 
with conviction (after the testimony of the whole church, in word or 
writing to the contrary) and that conviction backed with contumacy, 
these do constitute an heretick. 

He that comes boldly in a man's face, and cuts his throat, and he 
that steals behind his back, and knocks him on the head, are both equal- 
ly guilty of murder (and would be found so, were they to be tried.) So 
he that directly and manifestly destroys a fundamental truth, and he 
that obliquely does it, teaching, or obstinately maintaining those things, 
which, if they be granted, by a necessary consequence overthrow the 
doctrines of faith, both these antiscripturists are to be reckoned amongst 
heretieks, although the former are far worse than the latter. 

Thus the heresy of the Marcioaites, and Manichees, who destroy 
the human nature of Christ, by allowing Him only a phantastick body, is 
somewhat worse than that of the Popish transubstantiators, who, bj 
consequence, do that which is directly intended by others. For that, 
with the defence of this their absurd opinion, the articles of the incarna- 
tion, ascension, and session of our Lord Christ, at God's ri*ht hand, all 
these will fall to the ground, as the reverend and most learned bishops, 
Morton Hall, and White ; also, the judicious Crakanthorpe, in his ela- 
borate defence of our church against Spalatensisft, prove at large. 

ou may hereby collect what great boldness hath seized upon the 

tongues and pens of the proud Romanists, who dare throw that dirt 

upon us which covers their own faces, whilst they, with as much auda- 

sity, sale us (what they are, indeed, themselves judged by the 

3 ?J ua St FisherVq.TgVDrCr.klatho^ap^W'Num ^ lled A R irreconcil. White 
ktshop f SpaUto in luly. Salr. lib. si d euber Dai' Antouio do DominU, arck- 


learned to be) i. e. hereticks. Thus the Arians dealt by the Christians 
in the primitive times, as we find in Salvian, who complains thus of 
them : In tantum se Catholicos essejudicant, ut nos titulo hcereticce pravi- 
tatis infament; which words would rightly fit our tongues in reference 
to our Romish adversaries, who (speaking and writing a mere contra- 
diction) call themselves Catholicks, when, indeed, they are not truly so. 
It is a term proper only to the universal church of Christ, dispersed and 
scattered over the face of the whole earth. They are a particular 
church, and thererefore, whilst they stile themselves (indeed, it is stilo 
noro) Catholicks, they speak as much, or, in effect, as if a man should 
say, a particular universal, or universal particular, which is absurd, and 
against the rules of logick. Therefore, in that, they appropriate to them- 
selves the name of Catholicks, they do this as falsly, as when they fast- 
en upon us the name of hereticks, which is a term disgraceful and 

Lord, open their eyes, that they may see the truth, and inflame all 
our hearts with a greater love of it, that, knowing what we believe, and 
practising what we know, we may, at the last, be crowned amongst 
those, who, with that invincible* Athanasius, have contended earnestly 
for the truth, even to the loss of their lives and liberties. This is en- 
joined by St. Jude, ver. 3, and a clear description of such an heroick 
spirit we find, Heb. xi. 37. It. c. x. 34-. Which things were written 
for our instruction, that we, being compassed about with so great a cloud 
of witnesses, should f resist even unto blood, and strive against heresy 
and hereticks, men of corrupt minds, and destitute of the truth; from 
such separate yourselves, 1 Tim. vi. 5. Converse not with such pesti- 
lentious persons. This, too, was the wise counsel of the blessed martyr 
Ignatius, who (as we read in J Eusebius) used to go from house to 
house, through all the churches in the diocese, admonishing and intreat- 
ing the Christians. to abstain from the society of known hereticks, who, 
like || pitch, defile the weak, with the least touch of private conference. 

Beware of false prophets, &c. 

Whether it be lawful (or allowable by the word} for any to frequent con- 
venticles, forsaking the puilick meetings of Christians in churches. 

AS there is a peevish industry in wickedness, to find or make asso- 
ciates, so** it is a commendable and industrious piece of virtue or good- 
ness to oppose the attempts of wickedness, especially those of schisma- 
ticks, who, not contenting themselves with the bounds of their own im- 
pieties, never rest till they have corrupted others with the poison of their 
ungodly tenets. And I cannot but grieve to see the once brave spirits 
of our nation (shewed in the subduing the Genevising Scots) suck in with 

Athanasius cont. Mundum. Raimund cont. Athanasium, vid. Ribadin. in vita ejus. 
+ Heb.xii. i. &*. j Euseb. lib. 3. cap. 30. || Eccl. xiii. i. } Mat. vii. 15. 

* Si perticacia insuperabiles vires babere conatur, quautaj debot habr eooftantia? &c. Aug. 

Bp. 167. festo. 
V 4 


greediness the positions of the new Jesuitising Englandians, who are in- 
fected with the venom of old moth-eaten heresies, which have lain asleep 
for a long while, but are now awakened and revived by the prince of 
darkness, and transported into our church. 

The ground (as I humbly conceive) of all the enormities and loose 
opinions amongst us, is, the discountenancing and discouraging of the 
publick ministry, and the crying down of churches (vox diabolum sonat, 
nun Deum certt) as if there were none other, but those, that are spi- 
ritual when, as we find upon record, both in the* word and in ancient 
writers, there were material churches f, houses built and set a-part for 
the publick worship of God, wherein the Christians solemnly met at the 
least once a week ; this was the practice of the primitive times, even in 
the days of the apostles J, and continued from them to us through all 
ages by uninterrupted successions, 

There is a fable, amongst the mythologists, of a maiden, and a lion, 
who fell in love with her, and she promised out of fear to yield to his 
desires, on condition that she might first knock out his teeth ; which he 
presently yielded to, and was by her immediately destroyed. 

Thus the only aim of the devil, and his associates, is not only to 
pluck out the teeth of discipline (the wall) but even the tongue of sound 
doctrine, which is the heart of the church. This he now endeavours, 
by stopping the mouths of God's lawful ministers, and sending out his 
|| Shemaiahs, Nehelamites, his dreaming chaplains, who dream of a form 
of government never thought of, nor intended by Christ, and, having no 
commission to preach, thrust themselves into conventicles, where they 
vent their dreams, and propagate their fancies, to the destruction of 
many poor well-meaning Christians. 

Concerning the unlawfulness of which private meetings (congregated 
by men, who have no calling to teach, and in opposition to the unity 
and uniformity of our national church) I shall now, in all love and ten- 
derness to the souls good of the unlearned, enlarge my thoughts, and de- 
liver my opinion, which I trust will be embraced by those, who shall 
peruse this short treatise without a partial prejudice; which, like a cur- 
tain drawn before a window, shuts out thelightoftruth,andkeepsdarkness 
in; it harbours errors and mistakes, which breed hatred and dissension. 

First, take a conventicle, for a meeting of men and women in a private 
house upon the Lord's-day, then whtn they should join with the peo- 
ple of God in a church appointed for God's publick worship and service 
thus to convene and meet (though in times of restraint) without a law- 
al minister to head that body, and by enjoined prayers and preachin* to 
sanctify the work, is held utterly unlawful. Which I shall prove both 
by tie word of God, the practice of Christ, together with the authority 
athers, and interpreters of the holy scriptures, as also by arguments 
drawn from reason, which commonly (if not perverted) is a sure guide, 
and a good judge. 

First, then, if we weigh the truth, in the balance of the sanctuary, if 

: look into the scriptures, we shall find a flat prohibition to the con- 

ary, as Heb. x. 24, 25. Let us consider one another to provoke to 

' , Co, ,i, 


love and good works, not forsaking rfo Imfwa.^^, the congregation, as the 
manner of some is, but let us exhort one another, &c. Upon which 
place Esthius (a modern and learned interpreter*) hath this gloss. 
Qui convcntibus ecclesiasticis, fye. or, 'they, that withdraw themselves 
from the publick congregation, are in danger of an unavoidable and fear- 
ful ruin; for that thereby they make a schism in the church, (the doing 
whereof is most dangerous and displeasing lo God) and ingender sects:' 
(so Esthius on the text.) Whereby they do worse by Christ, than the 
persecuting Jews ; they divide his seamless coat, and give an occasion to 
the adversary, of rejoicing and triumphing over the church. 

Therefore Ignatius in his epistles exhorts f, and that with much ear- 
nestness, 'the Christians to frequent the church, to be often present and 
seldom absent from the meetings of God's people there, lest that, by their 
continued absence, they fall at length from the faith, having first lost 
their love to God and his saints. Which love is commonly chilled by 
the cold breath of conventicles, where hatred and malice (against those 
of a contrary judgment) with sedition is commonly hatched and foment- 
ed, as hath been found by sad experience in this sinful nation. 

I might here accumulate the testimonies of other interpreters upon 
this place, to confirm this truth concerning the unlawfulness of conven- 

Cornelius a Lapide writes thus upon this text, much to our present 
purpose. The apostle (says he) by this word i9-wyay>), intelligit ccetus 
ecclesice et conventus Jidelium ad sacram synaxim, et ad verbum Dei pre- 
cesque publicas, fyc. i.e. He understands the meeting of the church in 
publick prayer, in receiving of the holy sacrament, and to hear the word. 
Has ergo conventus apostolus vult frequentari, SfC. ' Therefore the apostle 
would have these publick meetings frequented, that so men and women 
may make a clear and open profession of their faith, which is a great 
means to beget mutual love and affection in those, who agree in the same 
faith with us'J. By this open profession we likewise encourage and in- 
cite otheis to profess the same faith, to worship the same God, in that 
manner, and after that way, as it is done by us, who hereby shew our- 
selves to be an example of good works. And examples we know are 
more prevalent than words or precepts. They have a greater influence 
upon men's practice in a way of conformity and obedience. 

Besides the forenamed Ignatius amongst the fathers, Chrysostome, 
Theodoret,Theophylact, and Oecumenius interpret thisftextin the same 
sense with <J Lapide and Esthius; who, indeed, light their candle at 
those bright burning tapers, whom God did set up for the good of his 
church, to enlighten it, and to direct it in the ways of truth. And|| he 
that despiseth them (with the rest of the ancient fathers) despiseth God 
who sent them. 

The second scripture proof against private meetings, as before were 
defined, is this, Mat. xxiv. 26. Wherefore, if they shall say unto you, 
Behold, he is in the desart, go not forth ; b( hold, he is in the secret pla- 
ces, Ix T~{ ration;, believe it not. Most of the ancient fathers (there- 

* Qui convcntibus ecclesiasticis per fastum et superbiam sese subtrahunt, proximi sunt graviori 
ruins. Est. in loc. f Ignat. in tp. ad Ephes. & Smyrnenses. % Illi publici ccetug 

et mutui congressus mire fovent fidem et charitatem, qua. in secessu et separative diuturuiori 
laoguescit, &c. Corntl. a Lap. Luke x. 16. 


fore now despised, because they are enemies to heresies) as Ofigen, Au- 
gustine, and others interpret this place of the private Corners of schis- 
maticks and hereticks, who labour to draw the people's minds from the 
love of the public congregation, and engage them to their private meet- 
in^ whereby they commonly entangle them in their errors and heresies. 
Therefore if they say, as the Donatists * once did, that Christ is only 
amongst them in their crypts and conventicles, believe them not, for they 
do contrary to the precept and practice of Christ; he wills or enjoins us to 
fconfess him and his truth before men, i. e. to make an open profession of 
our faith, both in times of persecution and peace. He himself ever * taught 
publicklv, as he witnessed of himself before Pilate; he || did so teach us 
this lesso'n, that truth seeks not corners, but loves the light (therefore i 
is sometimes called light in the holy scriptures. Eph. v. 8. Walk as 
children of the light, Vid. Act. xxvi. 18.) But they, that hate the 
truth, delight in darkness, dare not say that in an open congregation, 
which they spawn and vent in a conventicle or private meeting. There- 
fore avoid them, join not with them, beware of making a schism in the 
church or making that rent wider, which was first begun of late by the 
presbyterians; adhere not to schismaticis, whose portion, without a 
deep repentance for so great a sin, as wounding Christ's church, shall 
be after death in the land of darkness, because they loved darkness ra- 
ther than light. I never read that saying of Augustine**, but with 
horror and dread, when I considered the common guilt. * Foris ab ec- 
clesia constitutus et separatus a communione unitatis, et vinculo cari- 
tatis, seterno supplicio punireris, etiamsi pro Christi nomine vivus com- 
bureris, i. e. ' He, or she, thnt out of pride or peevishness, separates him- 
self from the body of the church,' (whose members are knit together bj 
the ligaments of one fait